2 Constitutional Foundations 2 Constitutional Foundations

Questions to consider: What kind of claim is being made in Chae Chan Ping? How does the claim is Fong Yue Ting distinguishable? What do the cases say about the scope of federal power over immigration? About the applicability of constitutional rights? Of the exercise of judicial power? How are these rulings exceptional in the context of ordinary constitutional law?

2.1 Background 2.1 Background

2.1.2 excerpt from Gabriel J. Chin, Chae Chan Ping and Fong Yue Ting: The Origins of Plenary Power 2.1.2 excerpt from Gabriel J. Chin, Chae Chan Ping and Fong Yue Ting: The Origins of Plenary Power

 

 

At the Founding, there was essentially no federal immigration policy. States regulated entry of immigrants, particularly in major seaports like New York and later San Francisco, but once the newcomer had successfully landed, he or she was in. There were no green cards, no quotas, no caps, no Border Patrol or ICE. And there was no deportation.

Anxiety over Asian immigration led the federal government to assume regulatory authority over immigration. Although the policy goal of dealing with the “Yellow Peril” no longer significantly influences the content of the Immigration and Nationality Act, this anxiety spawned a pair of late nineteenth century Supreme Court cases establishing the principle that Congress possesses plenary power to regulate immigration. More than a century later, these cases continue to shape federal constitutional authority over immigration.

In Chae Chan Ping v United States, sometimes called the Chinese Exclusion Case, the Court held that a returning resident noncitizen could be excluded if Congress determined that his race was undesirable--or for any other reason. In Fong Yue Ting v United States, the Court held that these noncitizens could be deported because of their race--or for any other reason. Under domestic law, of course, racial classifications are suspect; indeed, discrimination is more likely to be illegal than discrimination on any other basis. The message from these cases, then, is that where the status of immigrants is concerned, almost anything goes. Congressional power to determine who may come and stay, and who may not, is virtually unrestricted.

Background

The United States is a nation of immigrants, and early prospects for the development of a Chinese immigrant community in America were bright. Chinese came to the country they called “Gold Mountain” to participate in the California gold rush, and their numbers grew slowly. Between 1870 and 1880, 138,941 Chinese migrated to the United States (4.3% of all immigration); by 1880, the Chinese population totaled 105,465, 0.2% of the U.S. population of 50 million.

This immigration was specifically authorized by the Burlingame Treaty, concluded between China and the United States in 1868. The signatory nations recognized “the inherent and inalienable right of a man to change his home and allegiance, and also the mutual advantage of free migration and emigration of their citizens and subjects . . . for purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as permanent residents.” Travelers from one country to the other were entitled to “the same privileges, immunities, and exemptions in respect to travel or residence, as may there be enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of the most favored nation.”

By the mid-1870s, however, California and other western states demanded restriction of Chinese immigration, primarily because of racial hostility fueled by economic depression in California. The Burlingame Treaty was modified in 1880 to allow restriction of the immigration of Chinese laborers, but the rights of those already in the country on November 17, 1880 were to be protected, including their right to come and go. Taking advantage of this modification, Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882. The Act suspended immigration of Chinese laborers for ten years, excluding from entry any who were not in the United States on November 17, 1880, or who arrived within 90 days after the Act came into force. Merchants and government officials were exempted. The Act required registration documents for laborers, to serve as “proper evidence of their right to go from and come to the United States.”1 These documents were issued upon departure, so certifying the identity of individuals who might later wish to return. Those present in violation of the Act could be deported.

The Chinese Exclusion Act worked. In 1882, before it took effect, over 39,000 Chinese came to America. In 1887, Chinese immigration bottomed out at 10! While America’s population more than doubled between 1880 and 1920, the population of Chinese ancestry declined by over a third.

The Chinese Exclusion Act solidified another element of U.S. citizenship policy. The first naturalization law of 1790 allowed naturalization of “free white persons;” by judicial decision, Chinese were not regarded as white. The 1882 Act codified this rule, prohibiting any state or federal court from naturalizing Chinese. Accordingly, new Chinese immigration was prohibited; those already here could not become citizens.

The Act was motivated in large part by the racist ideas that were then in vogue.

Senator John F. Miller of California, a leader of the restriction movement, reasoned:

It is not numbers that are needed; quality is of more importance than quantity. One complete man, the product of free institutions and a high civilization, is worth more to the world than hundreds of barbarians. Upon what other theory can we justify the almost complete extermination of the Indian, the original possessor of all these States? I believe that one such man as Washington, or Newton, or Franklin, or Lincoln glorifies the Creator of the world and benefits mankind more than all the Chinese who have lived, and struggled, and died on the banks of the Hoang Ho.

Legislators were not concerned only with the Chinese; some viewed them as part of a larger racial problem. For example, Senator John P. Jones of Nevada reasoned: “What encouragement do we find in the history of our dealings with the negro race or in our dealings with the Indian race to induce us to permit another race-struggle in our midst?” Critical to understanding the legal situation of the Chinese in this period is that they were frequently represented by high quality legal counsel. In the 1880s, a federal constitutional right to appointed counsel in even capital criminal cases was still decades away, and many Chinese immigrants were miners, manual laborers, laundrymen or in other occupations where the salaries would scarcely permit hiring even the most inexperienced counsel. Many immigrants, moreover, were on a boat or in federal custody; even an unskilled job was a dream for the future. Nevertheless, many immigrants and would-be immigrants were represented by counsel.

Indeed, Chinese immigration cases making it to the Supreme Court were handled by a “Dream Team” of elite lawyers of the day. Chae Chan Ping, for example, was represented by leading Supreme Court advocates; George Hoadly was a former Governor of Ohio, and James C. Carter was “widely acknowledged as the leader of the American bar,” based in large part on the many cases he argued in the Supreme Court. Chae Chan Ping was also represented by Thomas S. Riordan, winner of several Supreme Court interpretations of the Exclusion Act favorable to Chinese immigrants, and Harvey S.

Brown, who argued several Supreme Court cases for railroads and had already won a case there for a Chinese immigrant. Fong Yue Ting’s attorneys were equally distinguished. Joseph H. Choate served as Ambassador to the Court of St. James and frequently argued before the Supreme Court. J. Hubley Ashton as Acting Attorney General advised President Lincoln during the Civil War, and later he represented the Southern Pacific Company. Maxwell Evarts won several important cases for the Chinese. Fittingly, he was the son of William M. Evarts, who had served as Attorney General, Secretary of State, and U.S. Senator. The senior Evarts as Secretary of State oversaw the negotiation of the 1880 treaty protecting the rights of Chinese laborers already in the United States; in the Senate, he supported paying an indemnity to the families of 28 Chinese who had been massacred in Rock Springs, Wyoming, and opposed the amendment to the Chinese Exclusion Act at issue in Chae Chan Ping on the ground that it violated treaty obligations.

These lawyers were not working pro bono, nor were they what would now be called public interest lawyers; they represented trusts and railroads more often than humble toilers like their Chinese clients. The existence of a network of Chinese family and district organizations in California and New York to which virtually all of the Chinese in America paid dues made it possible to retain these distinguished men, and other lawyers in the much more common proceedings in the federal trial courts. At the top of the network was an organization of organizations, the Chinese Six Companies, which historian Lucy Salyer explains became “the advocate for the Chinese community in the white world.” Thomas S. Riordan was counsel to the Six Companies.

The 1882 Act left open many questions for lawyers and courts to address. Were the “Chinese” who were covered by the Act defined by racial ancestry, or nationality? Many persons, for example, were citizens or nationals of countries other than China, but of Chinese descent. Who were the “laborers” covered by the Act? Did it mean unskilled laborers, or were those in skilled trades and crafts also covered? Did the Act Chinese sailors on U.S.-flag ships covered by the Act when they returned to port? And would the Act be applied retroactively to Chinese who left before the effective date of the Act, and who therefore could not possibly have obtained certificates? Although the federal court’s decisions were not uniform, it is fair to say that they frequently took the interests of the Chinese seriously, and frequently ruled in their favor.

In 1884, Congress made clear that it regarded the legal defense of Chinese immigrants as too effective, and the resulting judicial decisions too lenient. A new statute provided that the Act would apply “to . . . Chinese, whether subjects of China or any other foreign power,” making explicit that exclusion was based on race, not nativity or citizenship, and that it also applied to “both skilled and unskilled laborers and Chinese employed in mining.” The Act narrowed eligibility for favored treatment as merchants. Finally, the Act made clear that the reentry certificate was “the only evidence permissible to establish [a returning resident’s] right of re-entry.”

The 1884 Act, like the 1882 law, raised the question of retroactivity. Chew Heong, a Chinese laborer, sought admission without a return certificate, claiming that he had left in 1881, before they were available. Thomas Riordan and Harvey Brown represented him; Justice Harlan wrote for the Court that under the Act Chew Heong could show lawful residence with other evidence. This construction, said the Court, would give full prospective effect to the 1882 and 1884 legislation, while protecting the treaty rights of Chinese laborers who left before exclusion went into effect. In a later case, but this time over the dissent of Justice Harlan, Riordan persuaded the Court that the government copy of the reentry certificate could be examined in the case of a laborer who left the United States with a reentry certificate but was unable to present it because it had been stolen by pirates.

Virulent anti-Chinese activity, such as the 1885 massacre of the Chinese community of Rock Springs, Wyoming and the 1885-86 expulsion of the Chinese residents of Seattle and Tacoma, induced Congress to continue to tighten exclusion. Congress passed and the President signed a strengthened Chinese Exclusion Law in September, 1888, but by its terms, the new statute was to take effect only uponconclusion and ratification of treaty modifications, and negotiations between the United States and China broke down. Accordingly, Congress provided in the so-called Scott Act that any Chinese laborer, resident in the United States, who left and had not returned by the effective date of the Act could not “return to, or remain in, the United States.” In effect most persons of Chinese ancestry could leave the United States only on one-way trips.

As for the return certificates, the statute provided that no more could be issued, and that “every certificate heretofore issued . . . is hereby declared void and of no effect, and the chinese laborer claiming admission by virtue thereof shall not be permitted to enter the United States.” Perhaps 30,000 Chinese residents of the United States, but temporarily overseas held, reentry certificates that were now void.

Chae Chan Ping had come to the United States in 1875, and lived there until June 2, 1887, when he returned for a visit to China after first having obtained a reentry certificate. On September 7, 1888, before the Scott Act had even been introduced in Congress, he boarded a vessel bound for San Francisco. He arrived on October 7 or 8 (the court papers are inconsistent), with a reentry certificate that had been declared void while he was at sea.

2.2 Cases 2.2 Cases

2.2.1 Chae Chan Ping v. United States 2.2.1 Chae Chan Ping v. United States

Questions to consider:  What kind of claim is being made in Chae Chan Ping? How is the claim in Fong Yue Ting distinguishable? What do the cases say about the scope of federal power over immigration? About the applicability of constitutional rights? Of the exercise of judicial power? How are these rulings exceptional in the context of ordinary constitutional law?

THE CHINESE EXCLUSION CASE. CHAE CHAN PING v. UNITED STATES.

APPEAL FROM THE CIRCUIT COURT OF THE UNITED STATES FOR THE NORTHERN DISTRICT OF CALIFORNIA.

No. 1446.

Argued March 28, 29,1889.

Decided May 13, 1889.

In their relations with foreign governments and their subjects or citizens, the United States are a nation, invested with the powers which belong to Independent nations.

So far as a treaty made by the United States with any foreign power can become the subject of judicial cognizance in the courts of this country, it is- subject to such acts as Congress may pass for its enforcement, modiflcation or appeal. The Head Money Cases, 112 U. S. 580, and Whitney v. Robertson, 124 U. S. 190, followed.

The abrogation of a treaty, like the repeal of a law, operates only on future transactions, leaving unaffected those, executed under it previous to the abrogation.

The rights and interests created by a.treaty,' which have become so vested that its expiration or abrogation will .not destroy or impair them, aré such as are connected with and lie in property, capable of sale and transfer or other disposition, and not such as are personal and untransferable in their character.

The power of the legislative department of the government to exclude aliens from the United States is an incident of sovereignty, which cannot be ■ surrendered by the treaty making power'.

The act of October 1, 1888, 25 Stat. 504, c. 1064, excluding Chinese laborers from the United States, was a constitutional exercise of legislative power, and, so far as it conflicted with existing treaties between the United States and China, it operated to that' extent to abrogate them as part of the municipal law of the United States.

•A certificate issued to a Chinese laborer under the fourth and fifth sections of the act of May 6, 1882, 22 Stat. 58, c. 126, as amended July 5, 1884, 23 Stat. 115, c: 220, conferred upon him no. right to return to the United States of which he could not be deprived by a subsequent act of Congress.

The history of Chinese immigration into the .United States stated, together with a review of the treaties and legislation affecting it.

The court stated the case as follows in its opinion:

This case comes, before us on appeal from an order of the Circuit Court of the United States for the Northern District of California refusing to release the appellant, on a writ of habeas corpus., from his alleged unlawful detention by «Captain Walker, *582master of the steamship Belgic, lying witliin the harbor of. San Francisco. The appellant is a subject of the Emperor of China and a laborer by occupation. He resided at San Francisco, California, following his occupation, from some- time in 1875 until June 2,1887, when he left for China on the steamship Gaelic, having in his possession a certificate, in terms entitling him to return to the United States; bearing date on that day,duly issued to him by the collector of customs of the' port of Safi Francisco, pursuant to the provisions of section four of the restriction act of May 6; 1882, as amended by the act of July 5,-1884. 22 Stat. 58, c. .126; 23 Stat. 115, c. 220.

On the 7th of September, 1888, the appellant, on his return to California, sailed from Hong Kong in the steamship Belgic, which arrived within the port of San Francisco on the 8th of October following. On his arrival he presented to the proper-custom-house officers -his certificate, and demanded permission to iand. The collector of the port refused the permit, solely on the ground that under the act of Congress, approved October 1, 1888, supplementary.to the restriction acts of 1882 and 1884, the certificate had been - annulled and his right to land abrogated, and he had been thereby forbidden again to enter the United States. 25 Stat: 504, c. 1064. The captain of the steamship, therefore, detained the appellant on board the steamer. Thereupon a petitipn on his behalf was presented to the Circuit Court of the United States for the Northern District of California, alleging that he was unlawfully restrained of his liberty, and praying that a writ.of habeas corpus might be issued directed to the master of the steamship, commanding him to have the. body of the appellant, with the cause of his detention, before the court at a time and place designated, to do and receive what might there be considered in the premises. A writ was accordingly issued, and in obedience to it the body of the appellant was produced befpre the court. Upon the/ hearing which followed, the court, after finding the facts sub-' •stantially as stated, held as conclusions of law that the appellant was not entitled .to enter the United States, and was not unlawfully restrained of'his liberty, and ordered.that he be' remanded to the custody of the master of the steamship from *583which he had been taken under the writ. From this order an ■ appeal was taken to this court.

Mr. George Hoadly and Mr. James C. Camier argued the case orally for appellant.

They also filed a brief, prepared by Mr. Hoadly, citing: Woolsey, Internat. Law, 5th ed. § 63; Field, Code of Internat. Law, § 318; Bluntschli, Das Moderne Voelkerrecht der Civiliserten Staaten, § 381; Head Money Cases, 112 U. S. 580, 598; Chew Heong v. United States, 112 U. S. 536, 592; Society for the Propagation of the Gospel v. New Haven, 8 Wheat. 464, 493; McClurg v. Kingsland, 1 How. 206; Townsley v. Sumrall, 2 Pet. 182; Langdell on Contracts, 2d ed. 62; Poste’s Gaius, Lib. 3, 372; Dig. 9, 5, 15, 22, 25; Sandar’s Justinian, Lib. 3, Tit. 14, 2d ed. p. 419; 1 Parsons on Contracts, 429; Thomas v. Thomas, 202 Q. B. (N. S.) 851; Dartmouth College v. Woodward, 4 Wheat. 655; Shuey v. United States, 92 U. S. 73; Loring v. Boston, 7 Met. 409 ; Janvrin v. Exeter, 48 N. H. 83; 2 Bl. Com. 37; Bank of Augusta v. Earle, 13 Pet. 595; 4 Madison’s Writings, 478-480, 526; Virginia Report of 1799-1800, 204—205, Richmond, 1850; Fletcher v. Peck, 6 Cranch, 87; Knapp v. Thomas, 39 Ohio St. 377, 381; United States v. American Bell Telephone Co., 128 U. S. 450; Von Holst on Const. 40; 9 Kentucky Resolutions of 1798, Jefferson’s Writings, 466, Riker’s ed. 1853-6; Virginia Resolutions of 1798, 4 Elliot’s Debates, 528, 531; Mass. Resolutions, Feb. 30, 1799; N. H. Resolutions, June 15,1799; The Debates on the Virginia Resolutions in the Virginia Legislature; The Debates on the Alien and Sedition Law in Congress; Story, Conflict Laws, §§ 41, 46; Munn v. Illinois, 94 U. S. 142; Mugler v. Kansas, 123 U. S. 661; Barbier v. Connolly, 113 U. S. 31; New York v. Miln, 11 Pet. 102, 139; United States v. Cruikshank, 92 U. S. 542; Presser v. Illinois, 116 U. S. 266 ; Magna Charta; Dauphin v. Key, McArthur & Mackay, 203 ; 1 Hare Const. Law, 550; Cummings v. State, 4 Wall. 277 ; Ex parte Garland, 4 Wall. 377; Pierce v. Carskadon, 16 Wall. 234; Blair v. Ridgly, 41 Missouri, 63; S. C. 97 Am. Dec. 248; In re Yung Sing Hee, 36 Fed. Rep. 437; In re Look Tin Sing, 21 Fed. Rep. 905, 910; In re Wy Shing, 36 Fed. Rep. 553; Kilham v. Ward, 2 Mass. 236.

*584 Mr. Carter also filed a brief “ designed to present in a short compass the main propositions elaborated and illustrated in the more copious brief prepared by Mr. Hoadly.”

I. It appears by the record that the appellant when brought before the court below in pursuance of the writ of habeas corpus was restrained of his liberty in not being allowed to land from the steamer Belgic — in other words, that he was imprisoned upon that vessel. The judgment of the court was that he had no right to land, and was therefore not unlawfully •restrained of his liberty. If he had such right, it will not be denied that the judgment was erroneous and should be reversed.

II. Inasmuch as it did not appear to the court below that the petitioner was held, under any sentence, judgment, writ or other judicial process of any court, it became' instantly manifest that he was deprived of his liberty without due process of law, unless some other matter appeared showing that he was not entitled to the protection of the common constitutional safeguard to personal liberty.

(1) It is, at least, in general true that whenever upon- the hearing, upon a return to a writ of habeas corpus any man is held a prisoner upon any other ground or pretence than the command of some writ or other judicial process, order, or judgment, he must instantly be discharged. It is only by the authority of lorn manifested through the mandate of some court or judicial officer that one man can be held a prisoner by another.

(2) There is no distinction in this respect, between citizens and the subjects of other nations. Liberty is the birthright and inalienable possession of all men, as men. For this proposition an American lawyer disdains to cite authority. Neither the fundamental law of the United States, nor of any one of the States, recognizes any such distinction.

III. The special matter which" the judgment of the court below determined as sufficient to take the case of the appellant- out of the operation of the principles above mentioned, was, that the appellant was a Chinese laborer who had been a resident of the United States, but who had departed there*585from, and was, under, the provisions óf the act of Congress, approved October 1st, 1888, forbidden to return to the United States. This matter was wholly insufficient to justify the detention of the appellant.

(1) The inherent right of a sovereign power to prohibit, even in time of peace, the entry into its territories of the subjects of a foreign state will not be denied. But the United States, while a sovereign government, is yet one which can exercise only those powers of sovereignty which are enumer.ated in and delegated by the instrument which created it, and .such other incidental powers as are necessary and proper in order do carry into execution those thus enumerated. That the power of prohibition above mentioned is one, in terms, delegated, will not'be asserted. That it is necessary or proper in order to .carry into execution some power expressly delegated may be asserted, but is by no means conceded. Such a proposition, may well await the solemn determination of this .court when some ease arises which depends solely upon it. Its establishment is not necessary in order to maintain the case of the appellant..

(2) Whatever power Congress may have to prohibit the immigration of other foreign citizens or subjects, it had none to prohibit the return to this country of the appellant. He had a vested right to return, which could not be taken from him by any exercise of mere legislative power.

(a) That he had a lawful right to he in the United States • when the writ issued cannot be denied. He had.been a peaceable resident of California for twelve years preceding June 2d, 1887. He had come here, under a treaty between., the ■United States and his own nation, which declared “the inherent and inalienable right of man to change • his home and allegiance, and also the .mutual advantage of the free migration and immigration of their citizens and subjects respectively from the one country to the other for purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as jpermcment. residents.” Burlingame Treaty, Art. V: . He could not havé been ejected from the United States by any mere legislation. However the power “to regulate commerce with foreign nations may authorize congressional *586legislation to prevent the entry of foreign subjects, no one, it is believed, will assert that any power is conferred upon Congress to command them to surrender any residence they may have acquired under such invitations and guaranties, and depart from the country. The. “A-lien Law” of 1798 has been feebly sustained as an exercise of lawful power; but that did not assert the right of compelling an alien friend to leave-the country, and the only defence of it which has been allowed as plausible was that it was a measure in preparation for anticipated war, and, therefore, an exercise of the war power.

(b) If,- therefore, the appellant had a right of residence here, it is extremely clear that it is a right which could not be taken ■away by mere legislation. Such taking away could not be effected without first, taking away his liberty. It is very certain that he never himself surrendered the right, unless his departure from the country under all the guaranties supplied by the acts of 1882 and 1884 is to be deemed such a surrender; and such an assertion may safely be left unanswered. It follows, therefore, that the appellant had the right to land when the writ issued.

(c) It will be observed that the right of the appellant to return to the United States is based, so far as above insisted upon, not upon any contract between him and that government, but upon a title or right to be in that country when the writ issued — a title or right fully acquired by, and vested in him by his coming here under the permission of the laws and treaties under which he came. It was granted to him.by law; but, when once granted, could not be taken away by mere law, for two reasons: (1), because it was a valuable right like an estate in lands, and the taking of it away would necessarily involve-the taking away of his liberty; and (2), because, whatever sovereign powers may, in general,. do in the way of banishing aliens, no power to. do that has been delegated to. the Congress of the United States. . .

(3) But another, and perhaps more clearly demonstrable basis for the asserted right of the appellant to return, is that which refers the acquisition of it to a contract.

That there was a contract between the appellant and the *587United, States by which the latter became bound to permit his ■return is very clear.

The provisions of acts of 1882 and 1884 (22 Stat.' 58; 1.884, 23 Stat. 115) contained an offer on the part of the United States to every Chinese laborer then in this country, if he should leave the country and comply with the conditions therein for such case specified, to permit him to return. That offer was accepted and the conditions were fully complied with by the appellant. This created a perfect contract, binding upon the United States.

(a) The- consideration was perfect. It was that the appellant would give up his actual residence in the United States, with all the rights and benefits which such residence conferred upon him, undertake the expense and hazard of a journey abroad, and procure certain documentary evidence. The circumstance that these things were of no benefit to the United , States is wholly immaterial. , The sacrifice by the appellant completely answers the conception of consideration.

Q>) As it was not a case of mutual promises, but the promise was only on the side of the United States, it was a unilateral contract, and the promise was one which would not become binding until the full performance of the consideration. It was fully performed.

(4) The contract being thus fully executed by the appellant, he completely acquired the right which it was agreed he should have upon its execution. No muniment of title was necessary in order to complete the investiture. It was as perfectly vested as the title to real property is vested by the execution and delivery of a deed.

(5) It may possibly be urged that the making of contracts are executive acts, no.t within the ordinary contemplation of legislation, and, that the laws in question should not be deemed as containing offers, but as being pieces of simple legislation, subject to repeal at any time, and that all persons should take notice of this fact and consider that they acted at their peril; and that, in the present case the Chinese laborers were bound to know that in leaving the country they took the peril of a repeal of the laws. Such a suggestion would be an entire perversion of the real fact. ‘ •

*588 (a) The making through the instrumentality' of laws of offers for contracts is perfectly familiar. Laws making provision for sales of public lands, for giving rewards for the apprehension of criminals, for the furnishing of supplies to -the public, and for the construction of public works, are common instances. That offers may be thus made is plain; the only question in a particular case is whether an' offer was intended.-

(b) States, as well as individuals, are moral agents, and the common rules of morality and good faith are as binding upon them as upon individuals; and when ones man declares to another thaf he will, in case such other will do or suffer a certain thing, bestow upon the latter -an advantage, and thus' tempt him to act or suffer upon the faith of the promise, he will not be heard to say that he did not -intend to make an' offer.-

- (c) The question is, was it contemplated by the acts of Congress of 1882 and 188k that the Chinese laborers would, act upon the assurance therein contained ? If it was, those acts must be deemed to have intended the making of offers. The contrary supposal would impute to Congress- the deliberate intention of holding out expectations which it knew would be acted upon without meaning to make them good.

' (d) -The' answer to the above question cannot be doubtful It declares that the exclusion-from the country .shall not apply to Chinese laborers now resident in it and who may wish to go. away with intent to return; provides documentary evidence establishing their indentity in the shape of a formal certificate-; and declares tfyat such' certificate “ shall entitle the Chinese laborer to whom the same is issued to return to, and -re-enter ’the United States.” It is not in this court’that any argument is necessary to -show that these statutes contemplóte that individuals affected by them will act upon the faith .of the. assurance which they contain.

(6) if we have succeeded in establishing that the.appellant had a vested right to return, .acquired by contract, we need spend ijo time in asserting that it-,could not be taken away by á mere exercise of legislative power. The Sinking Fund Cases, 99 U. S. 700.

*589(7) There are, indeed, exceptions to the doctrines above mentioned. The existence of war; or pestilence, might have justified- the refusal of permission ter land. ■ Anything which, by the rules of law, destroys or suspends the operations of a contract, would have been effective upon the one in question. .But no such ground is suggested in the present case. The exclusion act of 1888, and that alone, was invoked by way of justification.

IY. The act of 1888, so far as respects Chinese laborers of the class of which the appellant' is one,, is unconstitutional, as being a bill of attainder, or ex post facto law. If. the appellant had a right to return, -the depriving him of such right is punishment, and this cannot be -inflicted except by -judicial sentence.

Mr. Harvey & Brown and 'Mr. Thomas D, Biordcm also . filed a brief for appellant.

' Mr. Solicitor General, Mr. G. A. Johnson, Attorney General of California, Mr. Stephen M. White and Mr. John F. Swift for appellees.

Mr. Justice Field

delivered the opinion of the court.

The appeal involyes a consideration of the validity of the act of Congress of October 1, 1888, prohibiting Chinese laborers from entering the United States who had departed before its passage, having a certificate issued’ under the act of 1882 as' amended by the act of 1884, granting them permission to return. The validity of the act is assailed as being in effect. an - expulsion from the' country of Chinese' laborers, in violation of existing treaties between the United States and the government of China, and of rights vested in them under the laws of Congress.

It will serve to present with greater, clearness the .nature and force of the objections to the act, if a brief -statement be made of the general character of the treaties between the two' countries and of the legislation of Congress to carry them into execution.

*590The first treaty between the UnitechStates and the Empire of China was concluded on the 3d of July, 1844, and ratified in December of the following year. 8 Stat. 592. Previous to that time there had been an extensive commerce between the two nations, that to China being confined to a single port. It was not, however, attended by any serious disturbances between our people there and the Chinese. In August, .1842, as the result of a war between England and China, a treaty was concluded stipulating for peace and friendship between them, and, among other things, that British subjects, with thpir. families and establishments, should be allowed to reside for the pulpóse of carrying on mercantile pursuits at the five principal ports of the empire. 6 Hertslet’s Commercial Treaties, 221; 3 Nouveau Kecueil Général de Traités (1842), 484. Actuated by a desire to establish by treaty friendly relations between the United States and the Chinese Empire, and to secure to our people the same commercial privileges which had been thus conceded to British. subjects, Congress placed at the disposal of the President the means to enable him to establish future commercial relations between the two countries “ on terms of national equal reciprocity.” Act of March, 1843Vc. 90, 5 Stat. 624. \A mission was accordingly sent by him to China, at the head of which-was.placed Mr. Caleb Cushing, a gentleman of large experience in public affairs. He found the Chinese government ready to concede by treaty to the United States all that had- been reluctantly, yielded to England through compulsion. As the result of his negotiations the treaty of 1844 was concluded- It stipulated, among other things, that there should be a. “perfect, permanent and universal peace, and a sincere and cordial amity ” between the two nations; that the five principal ports of the empire should be opened' to the citizens-of-the United States, who should be permitted to reside with their families and trade there, and to proceed with their vessels and merchandise to and from any foreign port and either of said five ports; and while peaceably attending to their affairs should receive the protection of the Chinese authorities. Senate Document No. 138, 28th Cong.' 2d Sess.

*591The treaty between England and China did not have the effect of securing permanent peace and friendship between those countries. British subjects in China were often subjected not only to the violence of mobs, but to insults and outrages from local authorities of the country, which led to. retaliatory measures for the punishment of the aggressors. To such an extent were these measures carried,- ,and such resistance offered to them, that in 1856 the two countries were in open war. England then, determined, with the cooperation of France, between which countries there seemed to be perfect accord, to secure from the government of ‘China, among other things, a recognition of the right of other powers to be represented there by accredited ministers, an extension of commercial intercourse with that country, and stipulations fpr religious freedom to all foreigners there, and for the suppression of piracy. England requested of -the President the concurrence and active co-operation of the United States similar to that which France had accorded, and to authorize our naval and political authorities to act in concert with the allied forces. ■ As this proposition involved a participation in existing hostilities, the request could not be acceded to, and the Secretary of State in his communication to the English government explained, that the war-making power of the United States was not vested in the President but in Congress, and that he had no authority, therefore, to order aggressive hostilities to be undertaken; But as the rights of citizens of the United States might be seriously' affected by the results of existing hostilities, and commercial intercourse between the United States and China be disturbed, it was deemed advisable to. send to China a minister plenipotentiary to represent our government and watch our interests there. Accordingly, Mr. William B. Keed, of. Philadelphia, was appointed such minister, and instructed, whilst abstaining from any direct interference, to aid by peaceful cooperation the objects the allied forces were seeking to accomplish. Senate Document No. 47, 35th Cong. 1st Sess. Through him a new treaty was negotiated with the Chinese government. It was concluded in June, 1858, and ratified in. August of the following year. *59212 Stat. 1023. It reiterated'the pledges of peace and friendship between the two nations, renewed the promise of protection to all citizens of the United States in China peaceably-attending to their affairs, and stipulated for security- to Christlan§¡ in the profession of their religion. Neither the treaty of 1844, nor that .of 1858, touched upon the migration and emigration of the citizens and subjects of the two'nations respectively from one country to the other. But in 1868 a great change in the relations-of the two nations was made in that respect. In that year a-mission from China, composed.of dis-' tinguished functionaries ■ pf that empire, came tq the United States witjh. the professed object of establishing closer relations between the two countries and their peoples. At its head Was placed Mr. Anson Burlingame,, an eminent citizen of-the United States, who had at one time represented this country as commissioner to China. He resigned : his office under our government to accept the position tendered to him by the Chinese government. ’ The mission was hailed in -the United States as the harbinger of a new era in the history of China. — as the opening up to . free intercourse with 'other, nations and peoples a country that for ages had been isolated and closed against foreigners, who were allowed to have intercourse and to trade with the Chinese only at a few designated places; and the belief was general, and confidently expressed, that great benefits would follow, to the world generally and especially to the United States! On' its arrival in Washington, additional articles to the treaty of 1858 were agreed-upon, which gave expression to the general desire that the two nations and • their peoples should be drawn closer .together. The new articles, eight in number,, were agreed to on- the 28th of . July, 1868, and ratifications of them .were exchanged at Pekin in November of the following year. 16 Stat. .739. Of these articles the 5th, 6th 'and 7th are as follows: •

• “ Article V. The United States of America anfl the Emperqr of China cordially recognize the inherent and inalienable right of inaij. ‘to change his home and allegiance, and also the mutual.i advantage of the free migration and emigration of their citizens and subjects respectively from the One country *593to the other for purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as permanent residents. The high contracting parties, therefore, join in reprobating any other than an entirely voluntary emigration for these purposes. They consequently agree to pass laws making it a penal offence for a citizen of the United States or Chinese subjects to take Chinese subjects either to the United States or to any other foreign' country, or for a Chinese- subject or citizen of the United States to take citizens of the United States to China or to any other foreign country without their free and voluntary consent, respectively.
“Article YI. Citizens of the United States visiting or residing in China shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities or éxemptions in respect to travel or residence, as may there be enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of the most favored nation. And, reciprocally, Chinese subjects visiting or residing in the United States shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities and exemptions ’ in respect to travel or residence as may there be enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of the most favored nation. But nothing herein contained shall be' held to confer naturalization upon citizens of the United States in China, nor upon the subjects of China in the United States.
“Article YII. Citizens of the United States shall enjoy all the privileges of the public educational' institutions under the control of the government of China; and, reciprocally, Chinese subjects shall enjoy all the privileges of the public educational institutions under the control of the government of the United States, which • are enjoyed in the respective countries by the' citizens or subjects of the most favored nation. The citizens of the United States may freely establish and maintain schools within the Empire of China at those places where foreigners are by treaty permitted to reside; and, reciprocally, Chinese subjécts may enjoy the same privileges and immunities in the United States.”

But notwithstanding these strong expressions of friendship and good will, and the desire they evince for free intercourse, events were transpiring oh the Pacific Coast which soon dissipated the anticipations indulged as to the benefits to follow the immigration of Chinese to this country. The previous *594treaties of 1844 and 1858 were confined principally to mutual declarations of peace and friendship and to stipulations for commercial intercourse at certain ports in China and for protection to our citizens whilst peaceably attending to their affairs. It was not until the additional articles of. 1868 were adopted that any public declaration was made by the two nations that there were-advantages in the free migration and emigration of their citizens and subjects respectively from one country to the other; and stipulations given that each should enjoy in the country of the other, with respect to travel or residence, the “ privileges, immunities, and exemptions ” enjoyed - Tty- citizens or subjects of the most favored nation. Whatever modifications have since been made to these general provisions have been caused by a well-founded apprehension — from the experience of years — that a limitation to the immigration of certain classes from China was essential to the peace of the community on the Pacific Coast, and possibly to the preservation of our civilization there. A few words on this point may not be deenied inappropriate here, they being confined to matters of public notoriety,- which have frequently been brought to the. attention of Congress. Report of Committee.of H. R. No, 872, 46th. Cong. 2d Sess.

The discovery of gold in California in 1848, as is well known, was followed by a large immigration thither from all parts of the world, attracted not only by the hope of gain from the mines, but from the great prices paid for all kinds of labor. The news of the discovery penetrated China, and laborers came from there in great numbers, a few with' their own means, but by far the greater number under contract with employers, for whose benefit they worked. These laborers readily secured employment, and, as domestic servants, and in various kinds of out-door work, proved to be exceedingly useful. For some years little opposition was made to them except when they sought to work in the mines, but, as their numbers increased, they began to engage in various mechanical pursuits and trades, and thus came iff competition with our artisans and mechanics, as well as our laborers in the field.

The competition steadily increased as the laborers came in *595crowds- on each steamer that arrived from China, or. Hong Kong, an adjacent English port. They were generally industrious and frugal. Not being accompanied by families, except in rare instances, their expenses were small; and they were content with the simplest fare, such as would not suffice for our laborers and artisans. The competition between them and our people was for this reason altogether in their favor, and the consequent irritation, proportionately deep and bitter, was followed, in many- cases, by open -conflicts, to' the great disturbance'of the public peace.

The differences of race added greatly to the difficulties of the situation. Notwithstanding the favorable provisions of. the'new articles of the treaty of 1868, by which all the privileges, immunities, and exemptions were extended to subjects of China in the United States which were accorded,to citizens or subjects of the most favored nation, they remained strangers in the land, residing apart by themselves, and adhering to the customs and usages of their own country. It seemed impossible for them to assimilate with our people or to make any change in their habits or modes of living. As they grew in numbers each year the people of the coast saw-, or believed they saw, in the facility of immigration, and in the crowded millions of China, where population presses upon the means of subsistence, great danger that at no distant day that portion of our country would be overrun by them unless prompt action Was taken to restrict their immigration. The people there accordingly petitioned earnestly for protective legislation.

In December, 1878, the convention which framed the present constitution of California, being , in session, took this subject up, and memorialized Congress upon it, setting forth, in substance, that the presence of Chinese laborers had a baneful effect upon the material interests of the State, and upon public, morals; that their immigration'was in numbers approaching the- character of an Oriental invasion, and was a menace to' our civilization; that .the discontent from this cause was not confined to any political party, or to any class or nationality, but was well-nigh universal; that they retained the habits and customs of their own country, and in fact constituted a *596Chinese settlement within the State, without; any interest in our country or its institutions; and praying Congress to. take measures to prevent their further immigration. , This memorial was presented to Congress in February, 1879.

So urgent and constant were the prayers for relief' against existing, and anticipated evils, both from the public authorities of the Pacific Coast and from private individuals, that Congress was- impelled to act on the subject. Many persons, however, both in and out of Congress, were of opinion that so long as the treaty remained unmodified, legislation restricting immigration would be a breach of faith with China. A statute was accordingly passed appropriating money to send commissioners to Chipa to act with our minister there in negotiating and concluding by treaty a settlement of such matters of interest between the two governments as might be confided to them. 21 Stat. 133, c. 88. Such commissioners were appointed, and as the result of their negotiations the supplementary treaty of November 17, 1880, was concluded and ratified in May of the following year. 22 Stat. 826.. It declares in its first article that “ Whenever, in the opinion of the Government of the United States, the coming of Chinese laborers to the United States, or their residence therein, affects or threatens to affect the interests- of that country, or to endanger the good order of the said country or of any locality within the territory thereof, the Government of China agrees that the Government of the United States may regulate, limit, or suspend such coming or residence, but may not absolutely prohibit it. The limitation or suspension shall ", be reasonable and shall apply only to Chinese who may go to the United States as laborers, other classes not being included ip the limitations. Legislation taken in regard to Chinese laborers will be of such a character only as is necessary to enforce, the regulation, limitation, or suspension of immigration, and immigrants shall not be subject to personal maltreatment or abuse.” In its second article' it' declares that “ Chinese subjects, whether proceeding to the United States as teachers, students, merchants, or from curiosity, together with their body and household servants, and Chinese laborers who are now in the United States shall *597be allowed to go and come of tbeir own free will and accord, and shall be accorded all the rights, privileges, immunities and exemptions which are accorded to the citizens and subjects of the most favored nation.”'

The government of China thus agreed that notwithstanding the stipulations of former treaties, the United States might regulate, limit, or suspend the coming of Chinese laborers, or their residence therein, without absolutely forbidding it, whenever in their opinion the interests of the. country, or of any part of it, might require such action. Legislation for such regulation, limitation, or suspension was entrusted to the discretion of our government, with the condition that it should only be such as might be necessary for that purpose, and that the immigrants should not be maltreated or abused. On the 6th of May, 1882,.an act of Congress was approved, to carry this supplementary treaty into effect. 22 Stat. 58, c. 126. It is entitled “ An act to execute certain treaty stipulations relating to Chinese.” Its first section declares that after ninety days from the .passage of .the act, and for the period of ten years from its date, the coming, of Chinese laborers to the United States is suspended, and that it shall be unlawful for any such laborer to come, or, having come, to remain within the United States. The second makes it a misdemeanor, punishable by fine, to which imprisonment may be added, for the master of any vessel knowingly to bring within. the United States from a foreign- country, and land, any such Chinese laborer. The third provides that those two sections shall not apply to Chinese laborers who were in the United. States November 17, 1880, or who should come within ninety days-after the passage of the act. The fourth declares that, for the purpose of identifying the laborers who were here 'on the 17th of November, 1880, or who should come within the ninety days mentioned, and to-furnish them with “the proper evidence” of their right to go from and come to the United States, the “ collector of customs of the district from which any such Chinese laborer shall depart from the United States shall, in person or by deputy, go-on* board each, vessel having on board any such Chinese laborer and cleared or about to sail *598from his district for a foreign port, and on suoh vessel make a. list of all such Chinese laborers, which shall be entered in reg-' istry books to be kept for that purpose, in which shall be stated the name, age, Occupation, last place of residence, physical marks or peculiarities and all facts necessary for the identification of each of suck Chinese laborers, which books shall be safely kept in the custom-house;’” and each laborer thus departing shall be entitled to receive, from the collector or his deputy, a certificate containing such particulars, corresponding with the registry, as may serve to identify him. The. certificate herein provided for,” says the section, “ shall entitle the Chinese laborer to whom the same is issued to return to and re-enter the United States upon producing and delivering th'e same to the collector of customs of the district at which such Chinese laborer shall se,ek to re-enter.”

The enforcement of this act with respect to laborers who were in the United States on November 17, 1880, was attended with great embarrassment, from the suspicious, nature, in many instances, of the testimony offered to establish the residence of the parties, arising from the loose notions entertained by the witnesses of the obligation of an oath. This fact led to a desire for further legislation restricting the evidence receivable, and the amendatory act of July 5, 1884, was accordingly passed. 23 Stat. 115, c. 220. The committee of the House of Representatives on foreign affairs, to whom the original bill was referred, in reporting it back, recommending its passage, stated that there had been such manifold evasions, as well as attempted evasions, of the act of 1882, that it had failed to meet the demands which called it into existence.Report in H. R. No. 614, 48th Cong. 1st -Sess. To obviate the difficulties attending its enforcement the amendatory act of 1884 declared that the certificate which the laborer must obtain “ shall be the only evidence permissible to establish his right of re-entry” into the..United States.

This act was held by this court not to require the certificate from laborers who were in the United States on- the 17th of November, 1880, who had departed out of the country before May 6, 1882, and remained out until after July 5, 1884. *599 Chew Heong v. United States, 112 U. S. 536. The same difficulties and embarrassments continued with respect to the proof of their former residence. Parties were able to pass successfully the required examination as to their residence before November 17; 1880, who, it was generally believed, had never visited our shores. To prevent the possibility of the policy of excluding Chinese laborers being evaded, the act of October 1, 1888, the validity of which is the subject, of consideration in this case, was passed. It is entitled “An. acta supplement to an act entitled ‘ An act to execute certain treaty stipulations relating to Chinese,’ approved the sixth day,of May, eighteen hundred and eighty-two.” 25 Stat. 504, c. 1064: It is as follows:.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Bepresentatmes of the United States of America in Congress assembled,' That from and after the passage of this act, it shall be unlawful' for any Chinese laborer who shall at any time heretofore have been, or who may now. or hereafter be, a resident within the United States, and who shall have departed, or shall depart therefrom, and shall not have returned before the passage of this act, to return to, or remain in, the United States.
“ Sec. 2. That no certificates of identity provided for in the fourth and fifth sections of the act to which this is- a supplement shall hereafter be issued; and every certificate heretofore issued in pursuance thereof is-hereby declared void .and of no effect, and the Chinese laborer claiming admission by virtue thereof shall not be permitted to enter the United States.
“ Sec. 3. That all the duties prescribed, liabilities, penalties, and forfeitures imposed, and the powers -conferred bv the second, tenth, eleventh and twelfth sections of the act (to which this is a supplement,- are hereby extended and made applicable to the provisions of this act. '
“ Sec. 4. That all such part or parts -of the act to which' this is a supplement as are inconsistent herewith are hereby repealed.
“ Approved October 1, 1888.”

The validity of this act, as already mentioned, is assailed, as being in effect an expulsion from the country of Chinese *600laborers in violation of existing treaties between the United States and the government of China, and of rights vested in them under the laws of Congress. The objection that the act is in conflict with the treaties was earnestly pressed in the court below, and the answer to it constitutes the principal part of its opinion. 36 Fed. Kep. 431. Here the objection made is, that the act of 1888 impairs a right vested under the treaty of 1880, as a law of the United States, and the statutes of 1882 and of 1884 passed in execution of it. It must be conceded that the act of 1888 is in contravention of express stipulations of the treaty of 1868 and of the supplemental treaty of 1880, but it is not on that account invalid or to be restricted in its enforcement. The treaties were of no greater legal obligation than the act of Congress. By the Constitution, laws made in pursuance thereof and treaties made under the authority of the United States are both declared to be the supreme-law of the land, and no paramount authority is given to one over the other. A treaty, it is true, is in its nature a contract between nations and is often merely promissory in its character, requiring legislation to carry its stipulations into effect. Such legislation will be open to future repeal or amendment. If the treaty operates by its own force, and relates to a subject within the power of .Congress, it can be deemed in that particular only the equivalent of a legislative act, to be repealed or modified at the pleasure of Congress. In either case the last expression of the sovereign will must control.

The effect of legislation upon conflicting treaty stipulations was elaborately considered in The Head Money Cases, and it was there adjudged' that so far as a treaty made by the United States with any foreign nation can become the subject of judicial -cognizance in the courts of this country, it is subject to such acts as Congress may pass for its enforcement, modification, or repeal.” 112 U. S. 580, 599. This doctrine was affirmed and followed in Whitney v. Robertson, 124 U. S. 190, 195. It will not be presumed that the legislative department of the government will lightly pass laws which are in conflict with the treaties of the country; but that circumstances may arise which would not only justify the government in disre*601gárding their stipulations, but demand in the interests of the country that it should do so, there' can be no question. Unexpected events may call for a change in the policy of the country. Neglect or violation of stipulations. on the part, of the other contracting.party may require corresponding^ action on our part. When a reciprocal engagement is not carried out by one of the contracting -parties, the other may also decline to keep the corresponding engagement. In 1798 the conduct towards this country of the government of France was of such a character that Congress declared that the United States were freed and exonerated from the stipulations of previous treaties with that country.. Its act on the subject was as follows:

“An Act to declare the treaties heretofore concluded with France, no longer obligatory on the United States.
“ Whereas the treaties concluded between the United .States and France have been repeatedly violated on the part of the French government; and the just claims of the United States for reparation of the injuries so committed have been refused; and their attempts to negotiate an amicable adjustment of all-complaints between the two nations have been repelled with indignity; And whereas, under authority of the French government, there is yet pursued against the United States a. system of predatory violence,- infracting the said treaties, and hostile to the rights of a free and independent nation:
“ Be~it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the United States are of right freed and exonerated from the stipulations of the treaties, and of. the consular convention, heretofore-concluded between the United States and Frapce; and that the same shall not henceforth be regarded as legally, •obligatory on the government or citizens of the United States.” 1 Stat. 578, c. 67.

This act, as seen, applied in terms only to the future. Of course, whatever of a permanent character had been executed or vested under the treaties was not affected by it. . In that respect the abrogation of the obligations of a treaty operates, *602like the repeal of a. law, only upon the future, leaving transactions executed under it to stand unaffected. The validity of this legislative release from the stipulations of the treaties was of course not a matter for judicial cognizance. The question whether our government is justified in disregarding its engagements with another nation is not one for the determination of the courts. ' This subject was fully considered by Mr. Justice Curtis, whilst sitting at the circuit, in Taylor v. Morton, 2 Curtis, 454, 459, and he held that whilst it would always be a matter of the utmost gravity and delicacy to refuse to execute a treaty, the power to do so was prerogative, of which no nation could be deprived without deeply affecting its independence ; but whether a treaty with a foreign sovereign had been violated by him, whether the consideration of a particular stipulation of a treaty had been voluntarily withdrawn by one party so as to no longer be obligatory upon the other, and whether the views, and acts of a foreign sovereign, manifested through his representative, had given just occasion to the political departments of our government to withhc d the execution of a promise contained in a treaty or to act in direct contravention of such promise, were not judicial, questions ; that the power to determine them has not been confided to' the judiciairy, which has no suitable means to execute it, but to the executive, and legislative departments of the government ; and that it belongs to diplomacy and legislation, and not to the administration of existing laws. And the learned justice, added,, as a necessary consequence of these conclusions, . that if Congress .has this power, it is wholly immaterial to inquire whether it has, by the statute complained of, departed from the treaty or not; or, if it has, whether- such departure was accidental or designed; -and if. the latter, whether the reasons therefor were good or bad. These views were reasserted and fully adopted by this court in Whitney v. Robertson, 124 U. S. 190, 195. And may add to the concluding observation of the learned justice, that if the power mentioned is vested in Congress, any reflection upon its motives, or the motives of any of its members- in exercising it, would be entirely uncalled for.- This court is not a censor of the morals *603of other departments of the government.; it is not invested with any authority to pass judgment upon the motives of their conduct. "When once it is established that Congress, possesses the power, to pass an act, our province ends with its construction, and its application to cases as they are presented- fiar determination. Congress has the power under the Constitution to declare war, and in two instances where the power has been exercised — in the war of 1812 against Great Britain, and in 1846 against Mexico — the propriety and-wisdom and justice of its action were vehemently assailed by some of the ablest and best men in the country, but no one doubted the legality of the proceeding, and any imputation by this or any other court of the United States upon the motives of the members of Congress who in either case voted for the declaration, would have been justly the cause of animadversion. We do not mean to intimate that the moral aspects of'legislative acts may hot be proper subjects of consideration. Undoubtedly they may be, at proper times and places, before, the public, in the halls of Congress, and in. all the modes by which the public mind can be influenced. Public opinion thus enlightened, brought to bear upon legislation, will do more than all other causes to prevent abuses; but the province of the courts is to pass upon the validity of laws, not to make them, and when their validity is established, to declare their meaning and apply their provisions. All else lies beyond their domain.

. There being nothing in the treaties between China and the United States to impair the validity, of the act of Congress of-October 1, 1888, was it on any other ground beyond the competency of Congress to pass it ? If so, it must be because it was not within the power of Congress to prohibit Chinese laborers who had at the time departed from the United States, or should subsequently depart, from returning to the United States.' Those laborers are not citizens of the United States; they are aliens. That the government of the United States, through the action of the legislative department, can exclude aliens "from its territory, is a proposition which we do not think open to controversy. Jurisdiction over its own territory to that extent is an incident of every independent nation.’ It is a part. of its in*604dependence. If it could not exclude aliens it would be to. that. extent subject to the control of another power. As said by this court in the. case of The Exchange, 7 Cranch, 116, 136, speaking by Chief Justice Marshall:. “The jurisdiction of the nation within its own territory is necessarily exclusive and absolute. It is susceptible of no limitation not imposed by itself. Any restriction upon it, deriving validity.from an external source, would imply a diminution of its sovereignty to the extent of the restriction, and an investment of that sovereignty to the same extent in that power which could impose such restriction.-. All exceptions, therefore, to the full and complete power of a nation within its own territories, must be'traced up to the consent of the nation itself. They can flow from no other legitimate source;”

While under our. Constitution and form of government the great mass of local matters is controlled by local authorities, the, United States; in their relation to foreign countries and their- subjects or citizens are one nation, invested with powers which belong to independent nations, the exercise of which can be invoked for the maintenance of its absolute independence and security throughout its entire territory. The powers to declare war, make treaties, suppress insurrection, repel invasion,, regulate foreign commerce, secure republican governments to the States, and admit subjects of other nations .to citizenship, are all sovereign powers, restricted in their exercise only by the Constitution itself and considerations of public policy and justice which control, more or less, the conduct of all civilized nations. As said by this court in the case of Cohens v. Virginia, 6 Wheat. 264, 413, speaking by the sainé great Chief Justice: “ That the United States'form, for many, and for most important purposes,-a single nation, has not yet been , denied, in war, .wé are . one people. In making peace /we are one people. In all commercial regulations, we are one land the same people. In many other respects, the American-people are one; and the government winch is alone capable* of controlling and managing their interests in all these respects, is the government of the Union. It is their government, and in that characterthey have no other. America has chosen to *605be in many respects, and to many purposes, a. nation; and for all these purposes her government is complete; to all these objects, it is competent. The people have declared, that in the exercise of all powers given for these objects, it is supreme. It can then in affecting these objects legitimately control all individuals or governments within the American territory. The constitution and laws of a State, so far as they are repugnant to the Constitution and laws of the United States, are absolutely void. These States are constituent parts of the United States.' They are members of one great empire — for some-.purposes sovereign, for some purposes subordinate.” The same view is expressed in a different form by Mr. Justice Bradley, in Knox v. Lee, 12 Wall. 457, 555, where he-observes that “the United States is not only a government, but it is a national government, and the only government in this country that has the character of nationality. It is invested with power over all the foreign relations of the country, war, peace and negotiations and intercourse with other nations; all. which are forbidden to the state governments. It has jurisdiction, over all those general subjects of legislation and sovereignty which affect the interests of the whole people equally and alike, and which require uniformity of regulations and laws, such as the coinage, weights and measures, bankruptcies, the postal system, patent and copyright laws, the public lands and interstate commerce, all which subjects are expressly or impliedly 'prohibited to the state governments. It has power to suppress insurrections, as well as to repel invasions, and to organize, arm, discipline and call into service the militia of the whole country; The President is charged with the. duty and invested with the power to take care that the laws be faithfully executed. The judiciary has jurisdiction to decide controversies between the States, and, between, their respective citizens, as well as questions of national concern; and the government is clothed with power to guarantee to every State a republican form of government, and to protect each of them against invasion and domestic violence.”

The control of local matters being left to local authorities, and national matters being entrusted to the government of the *606Union, the problem of free institutions existing over a widely extended country, having different climates and varied interests, has been happily solved'.' For local interests the several States of the Union exist, but for national purposes,, embracing our relations with foreign nations, we are but one people, one nation, one power.

To preserve its independence, and give security against foreign aggression and encroachment, is the highest duty of every nation, and to attain these ends nearly all other considerations are to be subordinated. It matters not in what form such aggression and encroachment come, whether from the foreign nation acting in its national character or from vast hordes, of its people crowding in upon us. ' The government, possessing the powers which are to be exercised for protection and security, is clothed with authority to determine the occasion on which the powers shall be called forth; and its determination, so far as the subjects affected are concerned, are necessarily conclusive upon all its departments and officers. If, therefore, the government of the United States, through its legislative department, considers the presence of foreigners of a different race in this country, who will not assimilate with us, to be dangerous to its peace and security, their exclusion is not to be stayed because at the time there are no actual hostilities with- the nation of which the foreigners are subjects. The existence of war would render the necessity of the proceeding only more obvious and pressing. The same necessity, in a less pressing degree, may arise when war does, not exist, and the same authority which adjudges the necessity in one case must also” determine it in the other. In both cases its determination is conclusive upon the judiciary. If the government of the country of which the foreigners .excluded are subjects is dissatisfied with this action it can make complaint to the executive head of our government, or resort to any other measure which, in its-judgment, its interests or dignity may demand; and there lies its only remedy.

The'power of the government to exclude foreigners from the country whenever, in. its judgment, the public interests require such exclusion, has been asserted in repeated instances, *607and never denied by the executive or legislative departments. In a communication made in December, 1852, to M^. A. Dudley Mann, at one time a special agent of the Department of State in Europe, Mr. Everett, then Secretary of State under President Eillmore, writes: “ This government could never give up the right of excluding foreigners whose presence it might deem a source of danger to the United States.” “ Nor will this government consider such exclusion of American citizens from Bussia necessarily a matter of- diplomatic complaint to' that country.” In a dispatch to Mr. Fay, our minister to Switzerland, in March, 1856, Mr. Marcy, Secretary of State under President Pierce, writes: “Every society possesses the undoubted right to determine who shall compose its members, - and it is exercised by all nations, both in peace and war.” “ It may always be questionable whether a resort to this power is warranted by the circumstances, or what department of the government is empowered to -exert it; but there can be no doubt that it is possessed by all nations, and that each may decide for itself when the occasion arises demanding its exercise.” In a communication in September, 1869, to Mr. Washburné, our minister to France, Mr. Fish, Secretary of State under President Grant, uses this language: “ The control of the people within its limits, and the right to expel from its territory persons who are dangerous to the peace of the State, are too clearly within the essential attributes of sovereignty to be seriously contested. Strangers visiting or sojourning in a foreign country voluntarily submit themselves to its laws and customs, and the municipal laws of France, authorizing the expulsion of strangers, are not of such recent date, nor has the exercise of the power by the government of France been so infrequent, that sojourners within her territory can claim surprise when the power is put in force.” In a communication to Mr. Foster, our minister to Mexico, in July, 1819, Mr. Evarts, Secretary of State under President Hayes, referring to the power vested in the constitution of Mexico to expel objectionable foreigners, says: “ The admission that, as that constitution now stands and is interpreted, foreigners who render themselves harmful or objectionable to the general govern*608ment must expect to be liable to the exercise of the power adverted Ijo, even in time of peace, remains, and no good reason is. seen for departing from that conclusion now. But, while there may be no expedient basis on which to found objection, on principle and in advance of a special case thereunder, to the' constitutional right thus asserted by Mexico, yet the manner of carrying out such asserted right may be' highly objectionable. You would be fully justified in making earnest remonstrances should a citizen of the United States be expelled' from Mexican territory without just steps to assure the grounds of such expulsion, and in bringing the fact to the immediate knowledge of the Department.” In a communication to Mr. W. J: Stillman, under date of August'3, 1882,. Mr. Frelinghuysen, Secretary • of State under President Arthur, writes •: “ This government cannot contest the right of foreign governments to exclude, on police or other grounds, American citizens' from their shores.” "Wharton’s International' Law Digest,. § 206. ' .

The exclusion of -paupers, criminals-and persons afflicted with incurable diseases, for which statutes have been passed, is only an application of the same power to particular classes of persons, whose'presence is deemed injurious or q source of danger -to the country. As applied to them; there) has never been any question as to the power to exclude them. The power is constantly exercised; its existence is involved in the right of self-preservation. -As to paupers, itT makes no difference by whose aid they are brought to the country. As Mr. Fish, when Secretary, of v State, wrote, in a communication under date of December 26, 1812, to Mr. James Moulding, of Liverpool, the government of the United States “is' not willing and will not consent to receive the pauper class of any. community who may. be sent or may be assisted in their immigration at the expense of government or of municipal authorities.”- As to criminals, the power of exclusion has always been exercised, even in the absence of any statute on the subject. In a despatch to Mr. Cramer, our minister to Switzerland, in December, 1881, Mr. Blaine, Secretary of State under President Arthur,- writes: “While, under the Constitution and *609the laws, this country is open to the honest and industrious immigrant, it has no room outside-of its prisons or almshouses for depraved and incorrigible criminals or hopelessly dependent paupers who may have become a pest or burden, or both, to their own country.” Wharton’s Int. Law Dig., supra.

The power of exclusion of foreigners being an incident of sovereignty belonging to the government of the United States, as a part of those sovereign powers delegated by the Constitution, the right to its exercise at any time when, in the judgment of the government, the interests of the country require it, cannot be granted away or restrained on behalf Of any one. The powers of government are delegated in trust to the United States, and are incapable of transfer to any other parties. They cannot be abandoned or surrendered. Nor can their exercise be hampered, when needed for the public good, by any considerations of private interest.' The exercise of these public trusts is not the subject of barter or contract. Whatever license, therefore, Chinese laborers, may have obtained, previous to the áct of October 1, 1888, to return to the United States áfter their departure, is held at the will of the government, revocable -at any time, at its pleasure. Whether a proper consideration by our government of its previous laws, or a proper respect for the nation whose subjects are affected by its action, ought to have qualified its, inhibition and made it applicable only to persons departing from the country after the passage of the act, are not questions for judicial determination. If there be any just ground of complaint on the' part of China, it must be made to the political department of our government, which is alone competent to act upon the subject. The rights and interests created by a treaty, which hfyve become so vested that its expiration or abrogation will fipt destroy or impair them, are such as are connected- with -and lie in property, capable of sale and transfer, or other disposition, not such as are personal and untransferable in their char-: acter. Thus'in, The Head Money Cases, the court speaks of certain rights being in some instances conferred upon the citizens or subjects of one nation residing in the territorial limits of the other, .which are “capable of enforcement as *610between private parties in the courts of the country.” “ An illustration of this character,” it adds, “ is found in treaties which regulate the mutual fights of citizens and subjects of the contracting nations in regard to rights of property by descent or inheritance, when, the individuals concerned are aliens.” 112 U. S. 580, 598. The passage cited by counsel from the language of Mr. Justice Washington in Society for the Propagation of the Gospel v. New Haven, 8 Wheat. 464, 493, also illustrates this doctrine. There the learned justice observes that “ if real estate be purchased or' secured under a treaty, it would be most mischievous to admit that the extinguishment of the treaty extinguished the right to such estate. In truth, it no more affects such han the repeal of a municipal law affects rights acquired under it.” Of this doctrine there can be no question in this court; but far different is this case, where a continued suspension of the exercise of a governmental power is insisted upon as a right, because, by the favor and consent of the government, it has not heretofore been exerted with respect to the appellant or to the class to which he belongs.’ Between, property rights not affected by the termination or abrogation of a treaty, and expectations of benefits from the continuance of existing legislation, there is as wide a difference- as between realization and hopes.

During the argument reference was made by counsel to the alien law of June 25, 1798, and to- opinions expressed at the time by men of great ability and learning against its constitutionality. 1 Stat. 570, c. 58. We do not attach importance-to those .opinions in their bearing upon this case. The act vested in the President power to order all such aliens as he should judge dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States, or'should have reasonable grounds to suspect were concerned in -any treasonable or secret machination against the government,, to depart out of the territory of the United States within such time as should be expressed in his order. There were other'provisions also distinguishing it. from the act under -consideration. The act was passed during a period of great political excitement, and it was attacked and .defended with great *611zeal and ability. It. is enough, however, to say that it is entirely different from the- act before us, and the validity of its provisions was never brought to the test of judicial decision in the courts of the United States.

Order affirmed.

2.2.2 Fong Yue Ting v. United States 2.2.2 Fong Yue Ting v. United States

What critical move does the majority make in rejecting the applicability of due process protections and rights afforded defendants in criminal prosecutions? Consider the dissents closely. How do they distinguish exclusion and deportation? What might have motivated their opposition to the majority's position, assuming that they had no solicitude for the Chinese laborers challenging the deportation measure?

FONG YUE TING v. UNITED STATES. WONG QUAN v. UNITED STATES. LEE JOE v. UNITED STATES.

APPEALS FROM THE CIRCUIT COURT OF THE UNITED STATES FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK.-

Nos. 1345, 1346, 1347.

Argued May 10, 1893.

Decided May 15, 1893.

The right to exclude or to expel-aliens, or any class of aliens, absolutely or upon certain conditions, in war or in peace, is an inherent and inalienable right of every sovereign and independent nation.

In the United States, the power to exclude or to expel aliens is vested in the political departments of the national government, and is to be regulated by treaty or by act of Congress, and to be executed by the executive authority according to the regulations so established, except so far as the judicial department is authorized by treaty or by statute, or is required by the Constitution, to intervene.

The power of Congress to expel, like the power to exclude, aliens, or any specified class of aliens, from the country, may be exercised entirely through executive officers; or Congress may call in the aid of the judiciary to ascertain any contested facts on which an alien’s right to remain in the country has been made by Congress to depend.

Congress has the right to provide a system of registration and identification of any class of aliens within the country, and to take all proper means to carry out that system.

The provisions of an act of Congress, passed in the exercise of its constitutional authority, must, if clear and explicit, be upheld by the courts, even in contravention of stipulations in an earlier treaty.

Section 6 - of the act of May 5, 1892, c. 60, requiring all Chinese laborers *699within the United States at the time of its passage, “and who are entitled to remain in the United States,” to apply within a year to a. collector of internal revenue for a certificate of residence; and providing that any one who does not do so, or is afterwards found in the United States without such a certificate, “ shall be' deemed and adjudged to be unlawfully in the.United States,” and may be arrested by any officer of the customs, or collector of internal revenue, or marshal, or deputy of either, and taken before a United States judge, who shall order him to be deported from the United States to his own country, unless he shall clearly establish to the satisfaction of the judge that by reason of. accident, sickness, or other unavoidable cause, he was unable to procure his certificate, and “ by at least one credible white witness ” that he.was a resident of the United States at the time of the passage of the act; is constitutional and valid.

These were three writs of habeas corpus, granted by the Circuit Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York, upon petitions of Chinese laborers, arrested and held by the marshal of the district for not having certificates of residence, under section 6 of the act of May 5, 1892, c. 60, which is copied in the margin.1

*700• The rales and regulations made and promulgated by tbe Secretary of the Treasury under section 7 of that act prescribe-*701forms for applications for certificates of residence, for affidavits in'support thereof, and for the ^certificates themselves; contain the provisions copied in the margin;1 and also provide *702for recording duplicates of the certificates in the office of the collector of internal revenue.

The first petition alleged that the petitioner was a person of the Chinese race, born in China, and not a naturalized citizen of the United States; that in or before 1879 he came to the United States, with the intention of remaining-and taking up his residence therein, and with no definite intention of returning to China, and had ever since been a permanent resident of the United States, and for more than a year last past had resided in the city, county and State of New York, and within the second district for the collection of internal revenue in that State; that he had not, since the passage of the act of 1892, applied to the collector of internal revenue of that district for a certificate of residence, as required by section 6, and was and always had been, without such certificate of residence; and that he was arrested by the marshal, claiming authority to do so under that section, without any writ or warrant. The return of the marshal stated that the petitioner was found by him within the jurisdiction of the United States, and in the Southern District of New York, without the certificate of residence required by that section; that he had therefore arrested Mm with the purpose and intention of taking him before a United States judge within that district; and that the petitioner admitted to the marshal, in reply to questions put through an interpreter, that he was a Chinese laborer, and was without the required certificate of residence.

The second petition contained similar allegations, and further alleged that the petitioner was taken by the marshal before the District Judge for the Southern District of New •York, and that “the said United States Judge, without any hearing of any kind, thereupon ordered that your petitioner be *703remanded to the custody of the marshal in and for the Southern District of New; York, and deported forthwith from the United States, as is provided in said act of May 5, 1892, all of which more fully appears by said order, a-copy of which is hereto annexed and made a part hereof,” and which is copied in the margin;1 and that he was detained by virtue of the marshal’s claim of authority and the judge’s order.. The marshal returned that he held the petitioner under that order.

In the third case the petition alleged, and the judge’s order showed, the following state of facts: On April 11, 1893, the petitioner applied to the collector of internal revenue for' a certificate of residence; the collector refused' tó give him a certificate, on the ground that the witnesses whom he produced to prove that he was entitled to the certificate were persons of the Chinese race and not credible witnesses, and. required of him to produce a witness other than a Chinaman to prove that he was entitled to the certificate, which he was unable to do, because there was no person other than one of *704the Chinese race who knew and could truthfully swear that he was lawfully within the United States on May 5, 1892, and then entitled to remain therein; and because of such unavoidable cause he was unable to produc'e a certificate of residence, and was now without one. The petitioner was arrested by the marshal, and taken before the judge; and clearly established, to the satisfaction of the judge, that he was unable to procure a certificate of residence, by reason of the unavoidable cause aforesaid; and also established, to the judge’s satisfaction, by the testimony of a Chinese resident of New York, that the petitioner was a resident of the United States at the time of the passage of the act; but having failed to establish this fact clearly to the satisfaction of the court by at least one credible white witness, as required by the statute,, the jqdge ordered the petitioner to be remanded to the custody of the marshal, and to be deported from the United States, as provided in the act.

Each petition alleged that the petitioner was arrested and detained without due process of law, and that section 6 of the act of May 5, 1892, was unconstitutional and void.

In each case, the Circuit Court, after a hearing upon the writ of habeas corpus and the return of the marshal, dismissed the writ of habeas corpus, and allowed an appeal of the petitioner to this court, and admitted him to bail pending the appeal. All the proceedings, from the arres to the appeal, took place on May 6;

Mr. Joseph H. Choate and Mr. J. Hubley Ashton for appellants.

Mr. Maxwell Evarts was on Mr. Choate’s brief.

Mr. Solicitor General for appellees.

Mr. Justice Gray,

after stating the facts, delivered the opinion of the court.

The general principles of public law which lie at" the foundation of these cases are clearly established by previous judg*705ments of this court, and by the authorities therein referred to.

In the recent case of Nishimura Ekiu. v. United States, 142 U. S. 651, 659, the court, in sustaining the action of the executive department, putting in force an act of Congress for the exclusion of aliens, said : “ It is an accepted maxim of international law, that every sovereign nation has the power, as inherent in sovereignty, and essential to self-preservation, to forbid the entrance of foreigners within its dominions, or to admit them only in such cases and upon such conditions as it may see fit to prescribe. In the United States, this power is vested in the national government, to which the Constitution has committed the entire control of international relations, in peace as well as in war. It belongs t'o the political department of the government, and may be exercised either through treaties made by the President and Senate, or 'through statutes enacted by Congress.”

The same views-were more fully expounded in the earlier case of Chae Chan Ping v. United States, 130 U. S. 581, in which the validity of a former act of Congress, excluding Chinese laborers from the United States, under the circumstances therein stated, was affirmed.

In the elaborate opinion delivered by Mr. Justice Field, in behalf of the court, it was said : “ Those laborers are not citizens of the United States; they are aliens. That the government of the United States, through the action of the legislative department, can exclude aliens from its territory is a proposition which we do not think open to controversy. Jurisdiction over its own territory to that extent is an incident of every independent nation. It is a part of its independence. If it could not exclude aliens, it would bé to that extent subject to the control of another power.” “ The United States, in their relation to foreign countries- and their subjects or citizens, are one nation, invested with powers -which belong to independent nations, the exercise of which can be Invoked’ for the maintenance of its absolute independence afid security throughout its entire territory.” . 130 U. S. 603, 604.

It was also said, repeating the language of Mr.’ Justice *706Bradley in Knox v. Lee, 12 Wall. 457, 555 : “ The United States is not only a government, but it is a national government, and the only government in this country that has the character of-nationality . It is invested with power over all the foreign relations of the country, war, péace, and negotiations and intercourse with other nations; all of which are forbidden to the state governments.” 130 U. S. 605. And it was added: “For local interests the several States of the Union exist; but for international purposes, embracing our relations with foreign nations, we are but one people, one nation, one power.” 130 U. S. 606.

The court then went on to say: “ To preserve its independence, and give security' against foreign aggression • and encroachment, is the highest duty of every nation, and to attain these ends nearly all other considerations are to be subordinated. It matters not in what form such aggression and encroachment come, whether from the foreign nation acting in its national character, or from vast hordes of its people crowding in upon us. The government, possessing the powers which are to be exercised for protection and security, is clothed with authority to determine the occasion on which the powers shall be called forth; and its determination, so far as the subjects affected are concerned, is necessarily conclusive upon all its departments and officers. If, therefore, the government of the Uuited States, through its legislative department, considers the presence of foreigners of a different race in this country, who will not assimilate with, us, to be dangerous to - its peace and security, their exclusion is not to be stayed because at the time there are no actual hostilities with the nation of which the foreigners are subjects. The existence of war would render the necessity of the proceeding only more obvious and pressing. The same necessity, in a less pressing degree, may arise when war does not exist, and the same authority which adjudges the necessity in one case must, also determine it in the other. In both cases, its determination is conclusive upon the judiciary. If the government of the country of which the foreigners excluded are subjects is dissatisfied with this action, it can make complaint to the *707executive head of our government, or. resort to any other measure which, in its judgment, its interests or dignity may demand; and there lies its only remedy. The power of the government to exclude foreigners from the country, whenever, in its judgment, the public interests require such exclusion, has been asserted in repeated instances, and never denied by the executive or legislative departments.” 130 U. S. 606, 607. This statement was supported by many citations from the diplomatic correspondence of successive Secretaries of State, collected in Wharton’s International Law Digest, § 206.

The right of a nation to- expel or deport foreigners, who have not been naturalized or taken any steps towards becoming citizens of the country, rests upon the same grounds, and is as absolute and unqualified as the right to prohibit and prevent their entrance into the country.

This is clearly affirmed in dispatches referred to by the court in Chae Chan Ping’s case. In 1856, Mr. Marcy wrote : “ Every society possesses the undoubted right to determine who shall compose its members, and it is exercised by all nations, both in peace and war¡ A memorable- example of the exercise of this power in time of peace was the -passage, of the alien law of the United States in the year 1798.” In 1869, Mr. Fish wrote : “ The control of the people within its limits, and the right to expel from its territory persons who are dangerous to the peace of the State, are too clearly within the essential attributes of sovereignty to be seriously contested.” Wharton’s International Law Digest, §206; 130 U. S. 607.

The statements - of leading commentators on the law of nations are to the same effect.

Vattel says: Every nation has.the right to refuse to admit a foreigner into the country, when he cannot enter without putting the nation in evident danger, or doing it a manifest injury. What it owes to itself, the care, of its own safety, gives it this right; and in yirtue of its natural liberty, it belongs to the nation to judge whether its circumstances will or Will not justify the admission of the foreigner.” “ Thus, also, it has a right to send them elsewhere, if it. has just cause to *708fear that they will corrupt the manners of the citizens ,* that. they will create religious' disturbances, or occasion any other disorder, contrary to 'the public safety. In a word, it has a. right, and is even obliged,.in this respect, to follow the rules-•which prudence dictates.” Vattel’s Law of Nations, lib. 1, c. 19, §§ 230, 231.

Ortolan says: “ The government of each state has always-the right to compel foreigners who are found within its territory to go away, by having them taken to the frontier.. This-right is based on the fact that, the foreigner not making-part of the nation, his individual reception into the territory is matter of pure permission, of- simple tolerance, and creates-no obligation. • The exercise of this right may be subjected,, doubtless, to certain forms by the domestic laws of each countrybut the right exists none the less, universally recognized and put in force. In France, no special form is now prescribed in this matter; the exercise of this right of expulsion is wholly left to the executive power.” Ortolan, Diplomatie de la Mer, lib. 2, c. 14, (4th ed.) p. 297.

Phillimore says“ It is a received', maxim of international law, that the government of a state may prohibit the entrance of strangers into the country, and may therefore regulate the conditions under which they shall be allowed to-remain in it, or may require and compel their departure from it.” 1 Phillimore’s International Law, (3d ed.) c. 10, § 220.

Bar says : “ Banishment and extradition must not be confounded. The former is simply a question of expediency and. humanity, since no state is bound to' receive ah foreigners, although, perhaps, to exclude all would be to say good-bye to ,the international union of all civilized states.; and although in some states, such'as England, strangers can only be expelled by means of special acts, of the legislative power, ho state has renounced its right to expel them, as is shown by the alien bills which the government of England has at times used to-invest itself with the right of expulsion.” “ Banishment is. regulated by rules of expediency and humanity, and is a. matter for the police óf the state. No doubt the police can apprehend any foreigner who refuses to • quit the country in *709spite of authoritative orders to do so, and convey him to the frontier.” Bar’s Internationa Law, (Gillespie’s ed. 1883) 708 note* 711.

In the passages just quoted' from Gillespie’s translation of Bar, “banishment” is evidently used in the sense of,expulsion or deportation by the political authority on the ground of expediency, and not in the sense of transportation or exile by way of. punishment for crime. Strictly speaking, “ transportation,” “ extradition ” and. “ deportation,” although each has the effect of removing a person from the country, are different things, and have different purposes. “. Transportation ” is by way of punishment of one convicted of an offence against the laws of the country. “Extradition” is the surrender to another country of one accused of an offence against its laws, there to bé tried, and, if found guilty, punished. “ Deportation ” is the removal of an alien out of the country, simply because his presence is . deemed inconsistent with‘the public welfare, and without any punishment being imposed or contemplated,' either- Under .the laws of the country out of .which he is sent, or under those - of the country to which he is taken.

In. England," the' only question that has ever been made-iregard to the power to expel aliens has been whether it could be exercised by the King without the consent of Parliament.. It was formerly exercised by the King, but in later times by Parliament, which passed several acts on the subject between 1793 and 1848. 2 Inst. 57; 1 Chalmers Opinions, 26; 1 Bl. Com. 260; Chitty on the Prerogative, 49; 1 Phillimore, c. 10, § 220. and note; 30 Parl. Hist. 157, 167, 188, 217, 229; 34 Hansard Parl. Deb. (1st series) 441, 445, 471, 1065-1071; 6 Law Quart. Rev. 27.

Eminent English- judges, sitting in the Judicial -Committee -of the.Privy Council, have gone very far in supporting the exclusion or expulsion, by the, executive authority of a colony, •of aliens having .no absolute right to enter .its territory or to remain therein.

In 1837, in a‘ case arising in the Island of Mauritius, which had been conquered- by Great Britain from Prance in 1810, .and in which the lay of Prance continued in force, Lord *710Lyndhurst, Lord Brougham and Justices Bosanquet and Erskine, although considering it a case of great hardship, sustained the validity of an order of the English governor, deporting a friendly alien who had long resided and carried on business in the island, and had enjoyed the privileges and. exercised the rights of a person duly domiciled, but who had. not, as required by the French law, obtained from the colonial government formal and express authority to establish a domicil there. In re Adam, 1 Moore P. C. 460.

In a recent appeal from a judgment of the Supreme Court of the Colony of Victoria, a collector of customs, sued by a Chinese immigrant for preventing him from landing in the colony, had pleaded a justification under the order of a colonial minister claiming to exercise an alleged prerogative of the Crown to exclude alien friends, and denied the right of a court of law to examine his action, on the ground that what he -had done was an act of state; and the plaintiff had demurred to the plea. Lord Chancellor Halsbury, speaking for-himself, for Lord Herschell (now Lord Chancellor) and for other lords, after deciding against the plaintiff on a question of statutory construction, took occasion to observe: The facts appearing on the record raise, quite apart from the statutes referred to, a grave question as to the plaintiff’s right to maintain the action. He can only do so if he can establish that-an alien has a legal right, enforceable by action, to enter British territory. .No authority exists for the proposition that an alien has any such right. Circumstances may occur in which the refusal to permit an alien to land might be such an interference with international comity as would properly giver rise to diplomatic remonstrance from the country of which he was a native; but it is quite another thing to assert that an alien, excluded from any part of her Majesty’s dominions by the executive government there, can maintain an action in a. British court, and raise such questions as were argued before their lordships on the present appeal—whether the proper officer for giving or refuging access to the country has been duly authorized.by his own colonial government, whether the colonial government has received sufficient delegated authority *711from the Crown to-exercise the authority which the Crown had a right to' exercise through the colonial government if properly communicated to it, and whether the Crown has the right without parliamentary authority to exclude an alien. Their lordships cannot assent to the proposition that an alien refused permission to enter British territory can, in an action in a British court, compel the decision of such matters as these* involving delicate and difficult constitutional questions affecting the respective rights of . the Crown and Parliament, and the relations of this country to her self-governing colonies. "When onpe it is admitted that there is no absolute and unqualified right of action on behalf of an alien refused admission to British territory, their lordships are of opinion that it would be impossible, upon the facts which the .demurrer admits, for an alien to maintain an action.” Musgrove v. Chun Teeong Toy, App. Cas. (1891) 272, 282, 283.

The right to exclude or to expel all aliens, or any class of aliens, absolutely or upon certain conditions, in war or in peace, being an inherent and inalienable right of every sov-. ereign and independent nation, essential to its safety, its independence and its welfare, the question now before the court is whether the manner in which Congress has exercised this right in sections.b and 7 of the act of- 1892 is consistent with the Constitution.

The United States are a sovereign and independent nation, and are vested by the Constitution with the entire control of international relations, and with all the powers of government necessary to maintain that control and to • make it effective. The only government of this country, which other nations recognize or treat with, is the government of the Union; and the only American flag known throughout the world is the flag of the United States.

The Constitution of the United States speaks with no uncertain sound upon this subject. That instrument, established by the people of the United States as the fundamental law of the land, has conferred upon the President the executive, power; has made him the- commander-in-chief of the army and navy; has authorized him; by and with the consent of the *712Senate, to make treaties, and to appoint ambassadors, public ministers and consuls; and has made it his duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed. The Constitution has granted to Congress the- power to regulate commerce with, foreign nations, including the entrance of ships, the importation of goods and the bringing of persons into the ports of the United States; to establish a uniform rule of naturalization ; to define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations ; to declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water; to raise and support armies, to provide and maintain a navy, and to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces ; and to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution these powers, and all other powers vested by the Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. And the several States are expressly forbidden to enter into any'treaty, alliance or confederation; to grant letters of marque and reprisal ; to enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power; or to engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.

In exercising the great - power which the people of the United States, by establishing a written Constitution as the supreme and paramount law, have vested in this court, of determining, whenever the question is properly brought before it, whether the acts of the legislature or of the executive are consistent with the Constitution, it behooves the court to be careful that it does not undertake to pass upon political questions, the final decision of which has been committed by the Constitution to the other departments of the government.

As long ago said by Chief Justice Marshall, and since constantly maintained by this court: “ The sound construction of the Constitution must allow to the national legislature that discretion, with respect to the means by which the powers it confers are to be earned into execution, which will enable that body to perform the high duties assigned to it, in the *713manner most beneficial to the people. Let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the Constitution, and all means which are appropriate, which are plainly adapted to that end, which are not prohibited, but consistent with the letter< and spirit of the Constitution, are constitutional.”

“ "Where the law is not prohibited, and is really calculated to •effect any of the objects intrusted to the government, to undertake here to inquire into the degree of its necessity would be to pass the line which circumscribes the judicial department, and to tread on legislative ground. This court disclaims all pretensions to such a power.” McCulloch v. Maryland, 4 Wheat. 316, 421, 423; Juilliard v. Greenman, 110 U. S. 421, 440, 450; Ex parte Yarbrough, 110 U. S. 651, 658; In re Rapier, 143 U. S. 110, 134; Logan v. United States, 144 U. S. 263, 283.

The power to exclude or to expel aliens, being a power affecting international relations, is vested in the political departments of the government, and is to be regulated by treaty or by act of Congress, and to be executed Ly the executive authority according to the regulations so established, except so far as the judicial department has been authorized by treaty or by statute, or is required by the paramount law of the Constitution, to intervene.

In Nishimura Ekiu s case, it was adjudged that, although Congress might, if -it saw fit, authorize the courts to investigate and ascertain the facts upon which the alien’s right to land was made by the statutes to depend, yet Congress might intrust the final determination of those facts to an executive officer, and that, if it did so, his’ order was due process of law, and no other tribunal, unless expressly authorized by law to do so, was at liberty to reexamine the evidence on which he acted, or to controvert its sufficiency. 142 U. S. 660.

The power to exclude aliens and the power to expel them rest upon one foundation, are derived from one source, are supported by the same reasons, and are in truth but parts of' one and the same power.

The power of Congress, therefore, to expel, like the power to.exclude aliens, or. any specified class of aliens, from the' *714country, may be exercised entirely through executive officers; or Congress may call in the aid of the judiciary to ascertain any contested facts on which an alien’s right to be in the country has been made by Congress to depend.

Congress, having the right, as it may .see' fit, to expel aliens of a particular class, or to permit them to remain, has undoubtedly the right to provide a system of registration and identification of the members of that class within the country, and to take all proper means to carry out the system which it provides.

It is no new thing for the law-making power, acting either through treaties made by the President and Senate, or by the more common method of acts ,.of Congress, to submit the decision of questions, not necessarily of judicial cognizance," either to the final determination of' executive officers, or to the decision of such officers in the first instance, with such opportunity for judicial review of their action as Congress may see fit to authorize or permit.

For instance, the surrender, pursuant to treaty stipulations, of persons residing or found in this country, and charged with crime in another, may be made by the executive authority of the President alone; when no provision has been made by treaty or by statute for an examination of the case by a. judge or magistrate. Such was the case of Jonathan Robbins, under article 27 of the Treaty with Great Britain of 1794, in which the President’s power in this regard was demonstrated in the masterly and conclusive argument of John Marshall in the House of Representatives. 8 Stat. 129; Wharton’s State Trials, 392; Bee, 286; 5 Wheat, appx. 3. But provision may be made, as it has been by later acts of Congress, for a preliminary examination before a judge or commissioner; and in such case the sufficiency' of the evidence on which he acts cannot be reviewed by any other tribunal, except as permitted by statute. Act of August 12, 1848, c. 167, 9 Stat. 302; Rev. Stat. §§ 5270-5274; Ex parte Metzger, 5 How. 176; Benson v. McMahon, 127 U. S. 457; In re Oteiza, 136 U. S. 330.

,_So claims to recover back duties illegally exacted on imports may, if Congress so provides, be finally determined by the *715Secretary of the Treasury. Cary v. Curtis, 3 How. 236; Curtis v. Fiedler, 2 Black, 461, 478, 479; Arnson v. Murphy, 109 U. S. 238, 240. But Congress may, as it did for long periods, permit them to be tried by suit against the collector of customs. Or it may, as by the existing statutes, provide for their determination by a board of general appraisers, and allow the decisions of that board to be reviewed by the courts in such particulars only as may be prescribed by law. Act of June 10, 1890, c. 407, §§ 14, 15, 25, 26 Stat. 137, 138, 141; In re Fassett, 142 U. S. 479, 486, 487; Passavant v. United States, 148 U. S. 214.

To repeat the careful and weighty words uttered by Mr. Justice Curtis, in delivering a unanimous judgment of this court upon the question what is due process of law: “ To avoid misconstruction upon so grave a subject, we think it proper to state that we do not consider Congress can either withdraw from judicial cognizance any matter which, from its nature, is the subject of a suit at the common law, or in equity, or admiralty ; nor, on the other hand, can it bring under the judicial power a matter which, from its nature, is not a subject for judicial determination. At the same time, there are matters, involving public rights, which may be presented in such form that the judicial power is capable of acting on them, and which are susceptible of judicial determination, but which Congress may or may not bring within the cognizance of the courts of the United States, as it may deem proper.” Murray v. Hoboken Co., 18 How. 272, 284.

Before examining in detail the provisions of the act of 1892 now in question, it will be convenient to refer to the previous statutes, treaties and decisions upon this subject.

The act of Congress of July 27, 1868, d 249, (reenacted in sections 1999-2001 of the Revised Statutes,) began with these recitals: “ Whereas the right of expatriation is a natural and inherent right of all people, indispensable to the enjoyment of the rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and Avhereas in the recognition of this principle this government-has freely received ¿migrants from all nations, and invested them with the rights of citizenship.” It then declared that *716any order or decision of .any officer of the United States to the contrary was inconsistent with the fundamental principles of this government; enacted that “all naturalized citizens of the United States, while in foreign states, shall be entitled to and shall receive from this government the' same protection of ^persons and property that is accorded to native-born citizens in like situations and circumstances; ” and made it the duty of the President to take measures to protect the rights in that respect of “ any citizen, of the United States.” 15 Stat. 223, 224. •

That act, like any other, is subject to alteration by Congress whenever the public welfare* requires, it. The right of protection which it confers is limited to citizens of the United States. Chinese persons not born in this country have never been recognized as citizens of the United States, nor authorized to become such under the naturalization laws. Rev. Stat. (2d ed.) §§ 2165, 2169; Acts of April 14, 1802, c. 28, 2 Stat. 153; May 26, 1824, c. 186, 4 Stat. 69; July 14, 1870, 254, § 7, 16 Stat. 256; February 18, 1875, c. 80, 18 Stat. 318; In re Ah Yup, 5 Sawyer, 155; Act of May 6, 1882, c. 126, § 14, 22 Stat. 61.

The treaty made between the United States and China on July 28, 1868, contained the following stipulations:

, “ Article V. The , United States of America and the Emperor of China cordially recognize, the inherent and inalienable right of man to change his home and allegiance, and also the mutual advantage of the free migration and emigration of their citizens and subjects, respectively, from one country to the other, for purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as permanent' residents.”

“ Article VI. Citizens of the United States visiting or residing in China,” “ and reciprocally, Chinese subjects visiting or residing in the United States, shall enjoy the same privi-Aeges, immunities and exemptions, in respect to travel or Residence, as may there be enjoyed by the citizens'or subjects of the most favored nation. But-nothing, herein contained shall be held to confer naturalization upon citizens of the United States in.China, nor upon the subjects of China in the United States.”

*717After some years’ experience under that treaty, the government of the United States was brought to the opinion that, the presence within our territory of large numbers of Chinese-laborers, of a distinct racé and religion, remaining strangers, in the land, residing apart by themselves, tenaciously adhering to the customs and usages of their own country, unfamiliar with our institutions, and apparently incapable of assimilating-with our people, might endanger good order, and be injurious, to the public interests; and therefore requested and obtained, .from China a modification of the treaty. Chew Heong v. United States, 112 U. S. 536, 542, 543; Chae Chan, Ping v. United States, 130 U. S. 581, 595, 596.

On November 17, 1880, a supplemental treaty was accordingly concluded between the two countries, which contained, the following preamble and stipulations:

“ Whereas the government of- the United States, because of the constantly increasing immigration of Chinese laborers to-the territory of the United States, and the embarrassments-consequent upon such immigration, now desires to negotiate a modification of the existing treaties which shall not be in direct contravention of their spirit: ”

“ Article I. Whenever, in the .opinion of the government, of the United States, the coming of the Chinese laborers to the United States,. or their residence therein, affects or threatens to ‘ affect, the interests of that country, or to endanger the good order of the said country, or of any locality within the territory thereof, the government of China, agrees that the government of the United States may regulate, limit or suspend, such coming or residence, but may not absolutely prohibit it. The limitation or suspension shall be reasonable, and shall apply only to Chinese who may go to the United States as laborers, .other classes not being included in the limitations. Legislation taken in regard to Chinese laborers will be of such a character only as is necessary to enforce the regulation, limitation or suspension of immigra tion, and immigrants shall not be subject to personal maltreatment or abuse.

“Article II. Chinese subjects, whether proceeding to the *718United States as teachers, students, merchants or from curiosity, together'with their body and household servants, and Chinese laborers who áre npw in-the United States, shall be allowed to go and.come of their own free will and accord, and. shall be accorded all the rights, privileges, immunities and exemptions which are accorded to the citizens and subjects of the most favored nation.

.“'ArticleTIL -If Chinese laborers, or Chinese of any other class, now either permanently.or temporarily residing in the territory, of the United State's, meet with ill treatment at the hands- of. q,ny .other persons, the government of the United States will exert all its- power to devise measures for their 'protection, and -to secure -to them the same rights, privileges, immunities and exemptions as may be. enjoyed'by the citizens or subjects of the most favored nation, and to which they are entitled by treaty.” 22 Stat.- 826, 827.

The act of May 6, 1882, c. 126, entitled “An act to execute certain treaty stipulations relating to Chinese,” and-amended' by the act of July 5, 1884, c. 220, began with the recital that, “ in the opinion of the government of the United States, the coming of Chinese laborers to this country endangers the good order of certain localities within the territories thereof; ” and, in section 1, suspended, their coming for ten years, and enacted that it should “ not be lawful for any Chinese laborer to come from any foreign port or place, or, having so come, to remain within .the United States; ” in section 3, that this provision should not apply to Chinese laborers who were in the United States on November 17, 1880, or who came here within ninety days’.after the passage of the act of 1882, and who should produce evidence of that fact, as afterwards required by the act, to the master of the vessel arid to the collector of the port; arid, in section 4, that “ for the purpose of properly identifying Chinese laborers who were in the United States ” at such time, “ and in order to furnish them with the proper, evidence of their right to go from and come to the United States,” as provided by that act and by the treaty .of November 17, 1880, the collector of customs of the district, from which any Chinese laborers should depart from *719the United States by sea, should go on board the vessel, and make and register a list of them, with all .facts necessary for their identity, and should give to each a corresponding certificate, which should entitle him “ to-return to and reenter the United States, upon producing and delivering the same to the collector of customs,” to be cancelled. .The form of' certificate prescribed by the act of 1884 differed in some particulars from that prescribed by the act of 1882; and the act of 1884 added that “said ’certificate shall be the only evidence to establish his right of reentry.” -Each act further enacted,- in section 5, that any such Chinese laborer, being in the United States and desiring to depart by land, should be entitled to a like certificate of identity; and in section 12, that no Chinese person should be permitted to enter the United States by land, without producing such a certificate, and that “any Chinese person found unlawfully within the United States shall be caused to be removed therefrom to the country from whence he came, and at the cost- of the United States, after . being brought before some justice, judge or commissioner of a court of the United' States, and found to be one not lawfully entitled to be or remain in the United States.” The act of 1884 further enacted, in section 16, that- a violation of hny of the provisions of the act, the punishment of which was not therein otherwise provided for, should be deemed a misdemeanor, and be\punishable by fine not exceeding $1000, or by imprisonment for not more than one year, or by both such fine and imprisonment.- 22 Stat. 58-60; 23 Stat. 115-118.

Under those acts, this court held, in Chew Heong v. United States, 112 U. S. 536, that .the clause of section 4 of the act of 1884, making the certificate of identity the only evidence to establish a. right to reenter the United States, was not applicable to-a Chinese laborer who resided in the United States at the date of the treaty of 1880, departed by sea before the passage of the act of 1882, remained- out of the United States until after the passage of the act of 1884, and then returned by sea; and in United States v. Yung Ah Lung, 124 U. S. 621, that a Chinese laborer, who resided in the United *720States at the date of the treaty of 1880, and until 1883, when, he left San Francisco for China, taking with him a certificate-of identity from the collector of tké port in the form provided by the act of 1882, which was stolen, from him in China, was entitled to land again in the United States in 1885, on proving by other evidence these facts, and his identity with the person described in the register kept by the collector of' customs as the one to whom that certificate was issued.

Both those decisions proceeded upon a consideration of the various provisions of the acts of 1882 and 1881, giving weight-to the presumption that-.they should not, unless unavoidably, be construéd as operating retrospectively, or as contravening the stipulations of the treaty. In the first of those cases-Justices Field and Bradley, and in the second case Justices Field, Harlan and Lamar, dissented from the judgment,- being-of opinion that the necessary construction of those acts was against the Chinese laborer. And in none of the opinions in either case was'it suggested that the acts in question, if construed as contended by the United States, and so as to contravene the treaty, would be unconstitutional or inoperative.

In our jurisprudence, it is well settled that the provisions of an act of Congress, passed in the exercise of its constitutional authority, on this, as on any other subject, if clear and explicit,, must be upheld by the courts, even in contravention of express-stipulations in an earlier treaty. As was said by this court in Chae Chan Ping's case,- following previous decisions: “ The treaties were of no greater legal obligation than the act of Congress.- By the Constitution, laws made in pursuance thereof and treaties made under the authority of the United. States are both declared to be the supreme law of the land, and no paramount authority is given to one over the other.. A treaty, it is true, is in its nature a contract between nations,, and is often merely promissory in its character, requiring legislation to carry its stipulations into effect. Such legislation, will be open to.future repeal or amendment. If the treaty operates by its own force, and relates to a subject within the power of Congress, it can be deemed in that particular only the equivalent of a legislative act, to be repealed or modi*721fied at the pleasure of Congress. In either ease, the last expression of the sovereign will must Control..”' “ So far as a treaty made by the United States with any foreign nation can become the subject of judicial cognizance in the courts of this country, it is subject to such acts as Congress may pass for its enforcement, modification or repeal.” 130 U. S. 600. See also Foster v. Neilson, 2 Pet. 253, 314; Edye v. Robertson, 112 U. S. 580, 597-599; Whitney v. Robertson, 124 U. S. 190.

By the supplementary act of October 1, 1888, c. 1064, it was enacted, in section 1, that “ from and after the passage of this act, it shall be unlawful for any Chinese laborer, who shall at any time heretofore have been, or who may now or hereafter be, a resident within the United States, and who shall have departed or shall depart therefrom, and shall not have returned before the passage of this act, to return to, or remain in, the United States;” and in section 2, that “no certificates of identity, provided for in the fourth and fifth sections of the act to which this is a supplement, shall hereafter be issued; and every certificate heretofore issued in pursuance thereof is hereby declared void and of no effect, and the Chinese laborer claiming admission by virtue thereof shall not be permitted to enter the United States.” 25 Stat. 504.

In the case of Chae Chan Ping, already often referred to, a Chinese laborer, who had resided in San Francisco from 1875 until June 2,1887, when he left that port for China, having in his possession a certificate issued to him on that day by the collector of customs, according to the act of 1884, and in terms entitling him to return to the United States, returned to the same port on October 8, 1888, and was refused by the collector permission to land, because of the provisions of the act of October 1, 1888, above cited. It was strongly contended in his behalf, that by his residence in the United States for twelve years preceding June 2, 1887, in accordance with the fifth article of the treaty of 1868, he had now a lawful right to be in the United States, and had a vested right to return to the United States, which could not be taken .from him by any exercise of mere legislative power by Con-*722gress; that he-Had acquired such a right by contract between him and the United States, by virtue of his acceptance of the offer,'contained in the acts of 1882 and 1884, to every Chinese person then here, if -he should leave the country, complying with specified conditions, to permit jhim to return; that, as applied to him, the-act of 1888 was unconstitutional, as being a bill of attainder and an ex post facto law; and that the depriving him of' his right to return was punishment,’ which could mot be inflicted except by judicial sentence. The contention was thus summed up at the beginning of the opinion: “ The validity of the act is assailed as being in effect an expulsion' from the country of .Chinese .laborers, in violation of existing treaties between the United States and the government of China, and of rights vested ill them under the laws of Congress.” 130 U. S. 584-589.

Yet the court unanimously held that the statute of 1888 was constitutional, and that the action of the collector in refusing him permission to land was lawful; and, after the passages already quoted, said: “The power of exclusion of foreigners beihg an incident of sovereignty belonging' to the government of the United States, as a part of those sovereign powers delegated by the Constitution, the right to its exercise at anytime when, in .the judgment of the government, the interests of the country require it, cannot be granted, away or restrained on behalf of any one.. The. powers of government are delegated in trust tof the United States, and áre incapable of transfer to any other parties. They cannot be abandoned or surrendered. Nor can their exercise be hampered,/when needed for the public good, by any consideratiQns of private interest. The exercise of these public trusts is not the subject of barter or contract. Whatever license, therefore, Chinese,laborers.may. have obtained, previo;is 'to'the act of October 1,- 1888, to return to the United "States after their departure, ig held at the will of the government, revocable at any time, at its pleasure.” “ The rights and interests created by a . treaty, which have become so vested that its expiration or abrogation will nof destroy .or impair them,' are such as' are connected with and lie in property, capable of sale and. transfer or other *723disposition., not such as are personal and untransferable in their character.” '“But far different is this, case, where a continued suspension of the exercise of a governmental power is insisted upon as a right, because, by the favor and consent of the government, it has not heretofore been exerted with respect to the appellant or to the class to which he belongs.’ Between property rights not affected by the termination or abrogation of a treaty, and expectations of benefits from the continuance of existing legislation, there is as wide- a difference as between realization and hopés.” 130 U. S. 609, 610.

It thus appears that in that case it was directly adjudged, upon full argument and consideration, that a Chinese laborer, who had been admitted into the United States while the treaty of 1868 was in force, by which the United. States and China “ cordially recognize the inherent and inalienable right of man to change his home and allegiance, and also the mutual advantage of the free migration and emigration oi their citizens and subjects, respectively, from one country to the other,” not only for the purpose of curiosity or of trade, but “ as permanent residents; ” and who had continued to reside here for twelve years, and who had then gone back to China, after receiving a certificate, in the form provided by act of Congress, entitling him to return to the United States; might be refused re-admission into the'United States, without judicial trial or hearing, and simply by reason of another act of Congress, passed during his absence, and declaring all such certificates to be void, and prohibiting all Chinese laborers who had at any time been residents in the United States, and had departed therefrom, and not returned before the passage of this act, from coming into the United States.

In view of that decision, which, as before .observed, was a' unanimous judgment of the court, and which had the concurrence of all the justices who had delivered, opinions in the cases arising under the acts of 1882 and 1884, it appears to be impossible to hold that a Chinese, laborer acquired, under any the treaties or acts of Congress, any right, as a denizen :or otherwise, to be and remain in this country, except by the license, permission and sufferance of Congress, to be with*724drawn whenever, in its opinion, the public welfare might require it.

By the law of nations, doubtless, aliens residing in a country, with the intention of making it a permanent place of abode, acquire, in one sense, a domicil there ; and, while they are permitted by the nation to retain such a residence and domicil, are subject to its laws, and may invoke its protection against other nations. This is recognized by those publicists who, as has been 'seen, maintain in the strongest terms the right of the nation to expel any or all aliens at its pleasure. Yattel, lib. 1, c. 19, § 213; 1 Phillimore, c. 18, § 321; Mr. Marcy, in Koszta's case, Wharton’s International Law Digest, § 198. See also Lau Ow Bew v. United States, 144 U. S. 47, 62; Merlin, Repertoire de Jurisprudence, Domicile, § 13, quoted in the case, above cited, of In re Adam, 1 Moore P. C. 460, 472, 473.

Chinese laborers, therefore, like all other aliens residing in the United States for a shorter or longer time, are entitled, so long as they are permitted by the government of the United States to remain in the country, to the safeguards of the Constitution, and to the protection of the laws, in regard to their rights of person and of property, and to their civil and criminal responsibility. ' But they continue to be aliens, having taken no steps towards becoming citizens, and incapable of becoming such under the naturalization laws; and therefore remain subject to the power of Congress to expel them, or to order them to be removed and deported from the country, whenever in its judgment their removal is necessary or expedient for the public interest.

Nothing inconsistent with these views was decided or suggested by the court in Chy Lung v. Freeman, 92 U. S. 275, or in Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356, cited for the appellants.

In Chy Lung v. Freeman, a statute of the State of California, restricting the immigration of Chinese persons, was held to be unconstitutional and void, because it contravened the grant in the Constitution to Congress of the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations.

*725In Yick Wo v. Hopkins, the point decided was that the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution' of the United States, forbidding any State to deprive any person of life, liberty or property without due process of law, or to deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws, was violated by a municipal ordinance of San Francisco, which conferred upon the board of supervisors arbitrary power, without regard to competency of, persons or to fitness of places, to grant or refuse licenses to carry on public laundries,- and which was executed by the supervisors by refusing licenses to all Chinese residénts, and granting them to other persons under like circumstances. The question there was of the power of a State over aliens continuing to reside within its jurisdiction, not of the power of the United'States to put an.end to their residence in the country.

The act of May 5,1892, c. 60, is entitled “ An act to prohibit, the coming of Chinese persons into the United States”; and provides, in section. 1, that “all laws now in force, prohibiting. and regulating the coming into this country of Chinese persons and persons of Chinese descent, are hereby continued in force for a period of ten years from the passage of' this act.”

The rest of the act (laying, aside, as immaterial, section 5, relating to an application for a writ of habeas corpus• “by-a Chinese person seeking to land in the United States, to whom' that privilege has-been denied,”) deals with two classes of Chinese persons, first, those “ not lawfully entitled to be Or remain in the United States,” and second, those. “ entitled to remain in the United States.” These words of description neither confer nor take away any right; but simply, designate-the Chinese persons who were- not, or who were, authorized or permitted to remain in the United States under the laws and treaties existing at the time of the passage of this act, -but subject, nevertheless, to the power of the United States, absolutely or conditionally, to withdraw the permission and' to terminate the authority to remain.

Sections 2-1 concern Chinese “ not lawfully entitled to be or remain in the United States; ” and provide that, after trial *726before a justice, judge or commissioner, a “Chinese person, or person of Chinese descent, convicted and adjudged to be not lawfully entitled to be or remain in the United States,” shall be imprisoned at hard labor for not more than a year, and be afterwards removed to China or other country of which he appears to be a citizen or subject.

The subsequent sections relate to Chinese laborers “ entitled to remain in the United States” under previous laws. Sections 6 and 7 are the only sections which have any bearing on the cases before us, and the only ones, therefore, the construction or effect of which need now be considered.

The manifest, objects of these sections are to provide a system of registration and identification of such Chinese laborers, to require them to obtain certificates of residence, and, if they do not do so within a year, to have them deported from the United States.

Section 6, in the first place, provides that “it shall be the duty of all Chinese laborers, within the limits of the United States at the time of the passage of this act, and who are entitled to remain in the United States, to apply to the collector of internal revenue of their respective districts, within one year after the passage of this act, for a certificate of residence.” This provision, by making it the duty of the Chinese laborer to apply to the collector of internal revenue of the district for a certificate, necessarily implies a correlative duty of the collector to grant him a certificate, upon due proof of the requisite facts. What this proof shall be is not defined in the statute, but is committed to the supervision of the Secretary of the Treasury by section 7, which directs him to make such rules and- regulations as may be necessary for the efficient execution of the act, to prescribe the necessary forms, and to make such provisions that certificates may be procured in localities convenient to the applicants, and without charge to them; and the Secretary of the Treasury has, by such rules and regulations, provided that the fact of residence shall be proved by “ at least one credible witness of good character,” or, in case of necessity, by other proof.' The statute and the regulations, in order to make sure that every such Chinese *727laborer may have a certificate/ iir the. nature of a passport, Avith which he may go into any part of the United States, and. that the United States may preserve a record of all such certificates issued, direct that a duplicate of each certificate shall be recorded in the-office of the collector who granted it, and may be issued to the laborer upon proof of loss or destruction of his original certificate. There can be no doubt of the validT ity of these provisions and regulations, unless they are invalidated by the other provisions of section 6.

This section proceeds to enact that .any Chinese laborer within the limits of the United States, who shall neglect, fail or refuse to apply for a certificate of residence Avithin the year, or Avho. shall after-wards be found within' the jurisdiction of /the United States without such a certificate, “ shall be deemed and adjudged to be unlawfully Avithin the United States.” The meaning of this clause, as shoAvn by those which follow, is not that this fact shall thereupon be held to be conclusively established against him, but only that the. want of a certificate shall b & prima facie evidence that he is not- entitled to remain in the United States; for the section goes .on to direct that he “ may be arrested by any customs official, collector of internal revenue or his deputies, United States marshal or his deputies, and taken before a United States judge;” and that it shall thereupon be the duty of the judge to order that the laborer “be deported from the United States” to China, (orto any other country which he is a citizen or subject of, and which, does not demand any tax as a condition of his removal, to it,) “ unless he shall establish clearly, to the satisfaction of said judge, that by reason of accident, sickness or other unavoidable cause, he has been unable to procure his certificate, and to the satisfaction of the court, and by at least one credible white witness, that he was a resident of the United States «at. the time of the passage Of 'this act; and if, upon the hearing, it shall appear that he is so entitled to a certificate, it shall be granted upon his paying the cost. Should it appear that said Chinaman had procured a certificate which has been lost or destroyed, he shall be detained and judgment suspended a reasonable time to enable him to procure a duplicate from the *728officer granting it; and in such cases the cost of said arrest and trial shall be in the discretion of the court.”

For the reasons stated in the earlier part of this opinion, Congress, under the power to exclude or expel aliens, might have directed any Chinese laborer, found in the United States without a certificate of residence, to be removed out of the country by executive officers, without judicial trial or examination, just as it might have authorized such officers absolutely -to prevent his entrance into the country. But Congress has not undertaken to do this.

The effect of the provisions of section 6 of the act of 1892 is that, if a Chinese laborer, after the opportunity afforded him to obtain a certificate of residence within a year, at a convenient place, and without cost, is found without such a certificate, he shall be so far presumed to be not entitled to remain within the United States, that an officer of the customs, or a collector of internal revenue, or a marshal, or a deputy of either, may arrest him, not with a view to imprisonment or punishment, or to his immediate. deportation without further inquiry, but in order to take him before a judge, for the purpose of a judicial hearing and determination of the only facts which, under the act of Congress, can have a material bearing upon the question whether he shall be sent out of the country, or be permitted to remain.

The powers and duties of the executive officers named being ordinarily limited to their own districts, the reasonable inference is that they must take him before a judge within the same judicial district; and such was the course pursued in the cases before us.

The designation of the judge, in general- terms, as “a United States judge,” is an apt and sufficient description of a judge of a court of the United States, and is equivalent to or •synonymous with the designation, in other statutes, of the judges authorized to issue writs of habeas corpus, or warrants to arrest persons accused of crime. Rev. Stat. §§ 752, 1011.

When, in the form prescribed by law, the executive officer, acting in behalf of the United States, brings the Chinese laborer before the judge, in order that he may be heard, and *729the facts upon which depends his right to remain in the country he decided, a case is duly submitted to the judicial power; for here are all the elements of a civil case — a complainant, a defendant and a judge — actor, reus et judex. 3 Bl. Com. 25; Osborn v. Bank of United States, 9 Wheat. 738, 819. No formal complaint or pleadings are required, and the want of them does not affect the authority of the judge, or the validity of the statute.

If no evidence is offered by the Chinaman, the judge makes the order of deportation, as upon a default. If he produces competent evidence to explain the fact of his not having a certificate, it must be considered by the judge; and if he thereupon appears to be entitled to a certificate, it is to be granted to him. If he proves that the collector of internal revenue has unlawfully refused to give him a certificate, he proves an “unavoidable cause,” within the meaning of the act, for not procuring one. If he proves that he had procured a certificate which has been lost or destroyed, he is to be allowed a reasonable time to procure a duplicate thereof.

The provision which puts the burden of proof upon him of rebutting the presumption arising from his having no certificate, as well as the requirement of proof, “ by at least one credible white witness, that he was a resident of the United States at the time of the passage of this act,” is within the acknowledged power of every legislature to prescribe the evidence which shall be received, and the effect of that evidence, in the courts of its own government. Odgen v. Saunders, 12 Wheat. 213, 262, 349; Pillow v. Roberts, 13 How. 472, 476; Cliquot’s Champagne, 3 Wall. 114, 143; Exparte Fisk, 113 U. S. 713, 721; Holmes v. Hunt, 122 Mass. 505, 516-519. The competency of all witnesses, without regard to their color, to testify in the courts of the United States, rests on acts of Congress, which Congress may at its discretion modify or repeal. Rev. Stat. §§ 858, 1977. The reason for requiring a Chinese alien, claiming the privilege of remaining in the United States, to prove the fact of his residence here, at the time of the passage of the act, “ by at least one credible white witness,” may have been the experience of Congress, as *730mentioned by Mr. Justice Field in Chae Chan Ping's case. that the. enforcement of former', acts, under which the testimony of Chinese persons was admitted to prove similar facts, “ was attended with great embarrassment, from the suspicious nature, in many instances, of the testimony offered to establish' the residence of the parties, arising from the loose.notions entertained by the witnesses of the obligation of an oath.” 130 U. S. 598. And this requirement, not allowing such a fact to be proved solely by the testimony of aliens -in a like situation, or of the same race, is quite analogous to the provision, which has existed for seventy-seven years in the naturalization laws, by which aliens applying for naturalization must prove their residence within the limits and under the- jurisdiction of the United States, for five years next preceding, “ by the oath or affirmation of citizens of the United States.” Acts of March 22, 1816, c. 32, § 2, 3 Stat. 259; May 24, 1828, c. 116, § 2, 4 Stat. 311; Rev. Stat. § 2165, cl. 6; 2 Kent Com. 65.

The proceeding before a United States judge, as provided for in section 6 of the act of 1892, is in no proper sense a trial and sentence for a crime or offence. It is simply the ascertainment, by appropriate and lawful means, of the fact whether'the-conditions exist upon which Congress has enacted that an alien of this class may remain within the country. The order of deportation is not a punishment for crime. It is not a banishment, in the sense in which that word is often applied to the expulsion of a citizen from his country by way of punishment. It is but a method of enforcing the return to his own country of an alien who has not complied with the conditions upon the performance of which the government of the nation, acting -within its constitutional authority and through the proper departments, has determined that his continuing to reside here shall depend. He has not, therefore, been deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law; and the provisions of the Constitution, securing the right of trial by jury, and prohibiting unreasonable searches and seizures, and cruel and unusual punishments, have no application. -

*731The question whether, and upon what conditions, these, aliens shall be permitted to remain within the United States being one to be determined by the political departments of the government, the judicial department cannot properly express an. opinion upon the wisdom, the policy or the justice of the measures enacted by Congress in the exercise of the powers confided to it by the Constitution over this subject.

The three cases now before, us do not differ from one another in any material .particular.

In the first case, the petitioner had wholly neglected, failed and refused to apply to the collector of internal revenue for a certificate of residence, and, being found without such a certificate after a year from the passage of the act of 1892, was arrested by the United States marshal, with the purpose, as the return states, of taking him before a United States judge within the district; and thereupon, beforé any further proceeding, sued out a writ of habeas corpus.

In the second case, the petitioner had likewise neglected, failed and refused to apply to the collector of internal-revenue for a certificate of residence, and, being found without one, was arrested by the marshal and taken before the District Judge of the United States, who ordered him to be remanded-to the custody of the marshal, and to be deported from the United States, in accordance with the provisions of the act. The allegation in the petition, that the judge’s order was made “ without. any hearing of any kind,” is shown to be untrue by the recital in the order itself, (a copy of which is annexed to and made part of the petition,) that he had failed to clearly establish to the judge’s satisfaction that by reason of accident, sickness or other unavoidable cause, he - had been unable to procure a certificate, or that he had procured one and it had been lost or destroyed.

In the third case, the petitioner had, within the year; applied to a collector of internal revenue for a certificate of residence, and had been refused it, because he. produced and could produce none’but Chinese witnesses to prove the residence necessary to entitle him to a certificate. Being found without a certificate of' residence, he was arrested by the *732marshal, and taken before the United States District Judge, and established to'the satisfaction of the judge, that,-because of the collector’s refusal to give him a certificate of residence he was without one by unavoidable cause; and also proved, by a Chinese witness only, that he was a resident of the United States at the time of the passage of the act of 1892. Thereupon the judge ordered him to be remanded to the custody of the marshal, and to be- deported from the United States, as provided in that act.

It would seem that the. collector of internal revenue, when applied to for a certificate, might properly decline to find the requisite fact of residence upon testimony which, by an express provision of the act, would be insufficient to prove that fact at a hearing before the judge. But if the collector might have received and acted upon such testimony, and did, upon any ground, unjustifiably refuse a certificate of residence, the only remedy of the applicant was to prove by competent and sufficient evidence at the hearing before the judge the facts requisite to entitle him- to a certificate. To one of those facts, that of residence, the statute, "which, for the reasons already stated, appears to us to be within the constitutional authority of Congress to enact, peremptorily requires at that hearing the testimony of a credible white witness. And it was because no such testimony was produced, that the order of deportation was made.

Upon careful consideration of the subject, the only conclusion which appears to. us to be consistent with the principles of international law, with the Constitution and laws of the United States, and with the previous decisions of this court, is that' in each of these cases the judgment' of the Circuit Court, dismissing the writ of habeas corpus, is right and must be

Affirmed.

Mr. Justice Brewer

dissenting.

I dissent from the opinion and judgment of the court in these cases, and the questions being of importance, I deem it not improper to briefly state my reasons therefor.

*733I rest my dissent on three propositions: First, that the persons against whom the penalties of section 6 of the act of 1892 are directed are persons lawfully • residing within the United States; secondly, that as such they are within the protection of the Constitution, and secured by its guarantees against oppression and wrong; and, third, that section deprives them.of liberty and imposes punishment without due process of law, and in disregard of constitutional guarantees, especially those found in the Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, and Eighth Articles of the Amendments.

And, first, these persons are lawfully residing within the limits of the United States.. By the treaty of July 28, 1868, 16 Stat. 739, 740, commonly known as the “Burlingame Treaty,” it was provided, article. 5 : “ The United States of America and the Emperor of China cordially recognize the inherent and inalienable right of man to change his home and allegiance, and also the mutual advantage of the free migration and emigration of their citizens and subjects, respectively, from the one country to the other, for purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as permanent residents.” And article 6: “ Citizens of the United States visiting or residing in China shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities, or exemptions in respect to travel or residence, as may there be enjoyed- by the citizens or subjects of the most favored nation. And, reciprocally, Chinese subjects visiting or residing in the United States shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities, and exemptions in respect to travel or residence, as may there be enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of the most favored nation.” At that time we sought Chinese emigration. The subsequent treaty of November 17, 1880, 22 Stat. 826, which' looked to a restriction of Chinese emigration, nevertheless contained in article 2 this provision:

“ Article II. Chinese subjects, whether proceeding to the United States as teachers, students, merchants, or from curiosity, together with their body and household servants, and Chinese laborers who are now in the United States shall be allowed to go and come of their own free will and accord, and shall be accorded all the rights, privileges, immunities, *734and exemptions which are accorded to the citizens and subjects of the most favored nation.”

While subsequently to this treaty, Congress passed several acts —May 6, 1882, 22 Stat. 58, c. 126; July 5, 1884, 23 Stat. 115, c. 220; October 1, 1888, 25 Stat. 504, c. 1064—to restrict the entrance into this country of Chinese laborers, and while the validity of this restriction was sustained in the Chinese Exelusion case, 130 U. S. 581, yet no act has be.en passed denying the right of those laborers .who had once lawfully entered the country to remain, and they are here not as travellers or only temporarily. We must take judicial notice of that which is disclosed by the census, and which is also a matter of common knowledge. There are 100,000 and more of these persons living in this country, making their homes here, and striving by their labor to earn a livelihood. They are not travellers, but resident aliens.

But, further, this section six recognizes the fact of a lawful residence, and only applies to those who have such; for the parties named in the section, and to be reached by its provisions, are “ Chinese laborers within the limits of the United States at' the time of the passage of this act, and who are entitled to remain in the United States.” These appellants, therefore, are lawfully within the United States, and are here as residents, and not as travellers. They have lived in this country, respectively, since 1879, 1877, and 1874 — almost as long a time as some of those who were members of the Congress that .passed this act of punishment and expulsion.

That those who have become domiciled in a country are entitled to a more distinct and larger measure of protection than those who are simply passing through, or temporarily in it, has long been recognized by the law of nations. It was said by this court, in the case of The Venus, 8 Cranch, 253, 278': “The writers upon the law of nations distinguish between a temporary residence in a foreign country, for a special purpose, and a residence accompanied with an intention to make it a permanent place of abode. The latter is styled by Mattel, domieil, which he defines to be 'a habitation fixed in any place, with an intention of always staying there.’ Such *735a person, says this author, becomes a member of the new society, at least as a permanent inhabitant, and is .a hind of citizen of an inferior order from the native citizens; but is, nevertheless, united and subject to the society, without participating in all its advantagós. This right of domicil, he continues, is not established, unless the person makes sufficiently known his intention of fixing there, either tacitly or by an express declaration. (Vatt. pp. 92, 93.) G-rotius nowhere uses the word domicil, but he also distinguishes between those who stay in a foreign country by the necessity of their affairs, or from any other temporary cause, and those who reside there from a permanent cause. The former he denominates strangers, and the latter subjects.” The rule is thus laid down by Sir Robert Phillimore: “It has been said that these-rules of law are applicable to naturalized as well as native citizens. But there is a class of persons which cannot be, strictly speaking, included under either of these denominations, namely, the class of those who have ceased to reside in their native country, and have taken up a permanent abode . . • . in another. These are domiciled inhabitants; they have not put on a new citizenship through some formal' mode enjoined by the law of. the new country. They are de facto though not de jv/re citizens of the country of their domicil.” 1 Phillimore, International Law, Chap. XYIII, p. 347.

In the Koszta case it was said by Secretary Marey: “ This right to protect persons having a domicil, though not native-born or naturalized, citizens, rests on the firm foundation of justice, and the' claim to be protected is earned by considerations which the protecting power is not at liberty to disregard. Such domiciled citizen pays the same price for his protection as native-born or naturalized citizens pay for theirs. He is under the bonds of allegiance -to the country of his residence, and if he breaks them incurs the same penalties; he owes the same, obedience to the civil laws . . .; his .property is in the same way and to the same extent as theirs liable to contribute to the support of the government. . . -. In nearly all respects his and their condition as to the duties and burdens of government are undistinguish able.” 2 Wharton Int. Law Digest, § 198.

*736And in Lau Ow Bew v. United States, 144 U. S. 47, 61, this court declared that “ by general international law, foreigners who have become domiciled in a country other than their own, acquire rights and must discharge duties in many respects the same as possessed by and imposed upon the citizens of that country, and no restriction on the footing upon which such persons stand by reason of their domicil, . . . is to be presumed.”

Indeed, there is force' in the contention of counsel for appellants, that these persons are “ denizens ” within the true meaning and spirit of that word as used in the common law. The old definition was this:

“ A denizen of England by letters patent for life, in tayl or in fee, whereby he becomes a subject in regard of his person.” Craw v. Ramsey, Vaughan’s Reports, 278,

And again:

“A denizen is an alien born, but who has obtained ex donatione regis letters patent to make him an English subject, . . . A denizen is in a kind of middle state, between an -alien and a natural-born subject, and partakes of both of them.” 1 Bl. Com. 374.

In respect to this, after quoting from some of the early constitutions of the States, in which the word “ denizen ” is found, counsel say: “ It is claimed that the appellants in this case come completely within the definition quoted above. They are alien born, but they have obtained the same thing as letters patent from this country. They occupy a middle state between an alien and . a native. They partake of both of them. They cannot vote, or, as it is stated in Bacon’s Abridgment, they have no ‘ power of making laws,’ as a native-born subject can, nor are they here as ordinary aliens. An ordinary alien within this country has come here under no prohibition, and no invitation, but the appellants have come under the direct request and invitation and under the ‘patent’ of the Federal government. They have been guaranteed ‘the same privileges, immunities, and exemptions in respect to . . . residence’ (Burlingame Treaty concluded July 28, 1868) as that enjoyed in the United States by the citizens and *737subjects of the most favored nation. They have been told that if they would come here they would be treated just the same as we treat an Englishman, an Irishman, or a Frenchman. They have been invited here, and their position is much stronger than that of an alien, in regard to whom there is no guarantee from the government, and who has come not in response to any invitation, but has simply drifted here because there is no prohibition to keep him out. They certainly come within the meaning of denizen ’ as used in the constitutions of the States.”

But whatever rights a resident alien might have in any other nation, here he is within the express protection of the Constitution, especially in respect to those guarantees which are declared in the original amendments. It has been repeated so often as to become axiomatic, that this government is one of enumerated and delegated powers, and, as declared in Article 10 of the amendments, “’the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it :to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”

It is said that the power here asserted is inherent in sovereignty. This doctrine of powers inherent in sovereignty is one both indefinite and dangerous. Where are the limits to such powers to be found, and by whom are they to be pronounced ? Is it within legislative capacity to declare the limits? If so, then the mere assertion of an inherent power creates it, and despotism exists. May the courts establish the boundaries? Whence do they obtain the authority for this ? Shall they look to the practices', of other nations to ascertain the limits ? The governments -of other nations have elastic powers — ours is fixed and bounded by a written constitution. The expulsion of a race may be within the inherent powers of a despotism. History, before the- adoption of this Constitution, was not destitute of examples of the exercise of such a power; and its framers were familiar with history, and wisely, as it seems to me, they gave to this government no general power to banish. Banishment may be resorted to as punishment for crime; but *738among the powers reserved to the people and not delegated to the government is that of determining whether whole ©lasses in our midst shall, for no crime but that of their race and birthplace, be driven from our territory.

• Whatever may be true as to exclusion, and as to that see Chinese Exclusion case, 130 U. S. 581, and Nishimura Ekiu v. United States, 142 U. S. 651. I deny that there is any arbitrary and unrestrained power to banish residents, even resident aliens. What, it may be asked, is the reason for any difference? The answer is obvious. The Constitution has no extraterritorial effect, and those who have not come lawfully within our territory cannot claim. any protection from its provisions. And it may be that the national government,.having full control -of all matters relating to other nations, has the power to build, as it w.ere, a Chinese wall, around our borders and absolutely forbid aliens to enter. But the Constitution has potency' everywhere within the limits of our territory, and the powers which the national, government may exercise'within such limits are those, and only those, given to. it by that instrument. Now, the power to remove resident -aliens is, confessedly, not expressed. Even if it be among the powers implied, yet still it can be exercised only in subordination to the limitations and restrictions imposed by the Constitution. In the case of Monongahela Navigation Company v. United States, 148 U. S. 312, 336, it was said: “ But like the other .powers granted to Congress by the Constitution, the power to regulate commerce is subject to all the limitations imposed by such instrument, and among, them is that the Fifth Amendment we have heretofore quoted. Congress has supreme control over the regulation of commerce; but if, in exercising that supreme control, it deems it necessary to take private property, then .it must proceed subject to the limitations imposed by this Fifth Amendment, and can take only on payment of just compensation.” And if that be true of the powers expressly granted, it must as certainly be true of,those that are only granted by implication.

When the first ten amendments were presented for adoption *739they were preceded by a preamble stating that the conventions of many States had at the time of. their adopting the Constitution expressed a desire, “ in order to prevent misconception or abuse of its powers, that further declaratory and restrictive clauses should be added.” It is worthy of notice that in them the word “ citizen ” is not found. In some of them the descriptive word is “ people,” but in the Fifth it is broader, and the word is “ person,” and in the Sixth it is the “ accused,” while in the Third, Seventh, and Eighth there is no limitation as to the beneficiaries suggested by any descriptive word.

In the case of Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356, 369, it was said: “ The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution is not confined to the protection of citizens. It says: ‘Nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law ; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.’ These provisions are universal in their application to all persons within the territorial jurisdiction, without regard to any differences of race, of color, or of nationality; and the equal protection of the laws is a pledge of the protection-of equal laws.” The matter considered in that case was of a local nature, a municipal ordinance for regulating the carrying on of public laundries, something fairly within the police power of a State; and yet because its provisions conflicted with- the guarantees of the Fourteenth Amendment, the ordinance was declared void.

If the use of the word “person” in the Fourteenth Amendment protects all individuals lawfully within the State, the use of the same word “ person ” in the Fifth must be equally comprehensive, and secures to all persons lawfully within the territory of the United States the protection named therein ; and a like conclusion must follow as to the Sixth.

I pass, therefore, to the consideration of my third proposition : Section 6 deprives of “ life, liberty, and property without due process of law.” It imposes punishment without a trial, and punishment cruel and severe. It places the liberty of one individual subject to the unrestrained' control of *740another. Notice its provisions: It first commands all to> •register. He who does not register violates that law, and. may be punished; and so the section goes on to say that one who* has not complied with its requirements, and has no certificate-of residence, “ shall be deemed and adjudged to be unlawfully within the United States,” , and then it imposes as- a penalty his deportation from the country.’ Deportation is punishment. It involves first an arrest, a deprival of liberty; and,, second, a removal from home, from;family, from; business,, from property. In Rapalje & Lawrence’s. Law Dictionary,, (vol. 1, page 109,) “banishment” is thus defined : “ A punishment by forced exile, either for years or for life;' inflicted, principally upon political offenders, ‘transportation’ being-the word used to express a similar punishment of ordinary criminals.” In 4 Bl. Com. 377, it is said: “ Some punishments-consist in exile or banishment, by abjuration of the realm, or-transportation.” In Yattel we find that “ banishment is only-applied t.o condemnation in due course of law.” Note to* § 228, Book 1, c. 19, in 1 Vattel.

But it needs no citation of authorities to support the proposition that deportation is punishment. Every one knows that-to be forcibly taken away from home, and family, and friends,, and business, and property, and sent across the ocean to a distant land, is punishment; and that oftentimes most severe-- and cruel. Apt and just are the words of one.of the framers-of this Constitution, President Madison, when he says (4 Elliot’s Debates, 555): “ If the banishment of an alien from a’ country into which he has been invited as the asylum most-auspicious to his happiness — a country where he may have-formed the most tender connections ; iwhere he may have invested his entire property, and acquired property of .the real and permanent, as well as the movable and.temporary kind,-; where he enjoys, under the laws, a greater share of the blessings of personal security and personal -liberty than he can. elsewhere hope for; . . . if, moreover, in the execution-, of the sentence against him he is to be exposed, not only to-the ordinary dangers of the sea, but to the peculiar casualties; incident to a crisis of war and of unusual licentiousness on *741that element, and possibly to vindictive purposes, which his immigration itself may have provoked — if a banishment of this sort be not a punishment, and among the severest of punishments, it will be difficult to imagine a doom to which the name can be applied.”

But punishment implies a trial: “No persotn shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of .law.” Due process requires that a man be heard before he is condemned, and both heard and condemned in the due and orderly procedure of a trial ás recognized by the common law from time immemorial. It was said by this court in Hagar v. Reclamation District, 111 U. S. 701, 708, “undoubtedly where life and liberty are involved, due process requires that there be a regular course of judicial proceedings, which imply that the party to be affected shall have notice and an opportunity to be heard.” And by Mr. Justice Bradley, in defining “ due process of law ” in Davidson v. New Orleans, 96 U. S. 97, 107, “ if found to be suitable or admissible in the special case, it will be adjudged to be due process of law,’ but if found to be arbitrary, oppressive, and unjust, it may be declared to be not * due process of law.’ ” And no person who has once come within-the protection of the Constitution can be punished'' without a trial. . It may be summary, as for petty offences and in cases of contempt, but still, a trial, as known to the •common law. It is said that a person may be extradited without a previous trial, but extradition is simply one step in the process of arresting and securing for trial. He may be removed by extradition from'Calif ornia to New York, or from "this country to another, but such proceeding is not oppressive or unjust, but suitable and necessary, and, therefore, due process .of law. But here, the Chinese are not arrested and extradited for trial, but arrested and, without a trial, punished by banishment. -

Again, it is absolutely within the discretion of the collector to give or refuse a certificate to one who applies therefor. Nowhere is it provided what evidence shall be furnished to' the collector, and nowhere is it made mandatory upon him to grant a certificate on the production of such evidence. It can*742not be due process of law to impose punishment on any person for failing to have that in his possession, the possession of which he' can obtain only at the arbitrary and unregulated discretion of any official. It Will not do to say that the presumption is' that the official will act reasonably and not arbitrarily. "When the'right to liberty and residence is involved,, some other protection than the mere discretion of any official is required. Well was it said by Mr. Justice Matthews, in the case of Yick Wo v. Hopkins, supra, on page 369 : “ When we consider the nature and the theory of our institutions of government, the principles upon which they are supposed to rest, and review the history of their development, we are constrained to conclude that they do not mean to leave room' for the play and action of purely personal and arbitrary power.”

Again, a person found without such certificate may be taken before a United States Judge. What judge? A judge in the district in which the party resides or is found ? There is no limitation. in this respect. A Chinese laborer in San Francisco may be arrested by a deputy United States marshal, and taken before a judge in Oregon; and when so taken before that judge, it is made his duty to deport such laborer unless he proves his innocence of any violation of the law, and that, too, by at least one credible white witness. And how shall he obtain that witness ? No provision is made in the statute therefor. Will it be said that Article 6 of the amendments gives to the accused a right to have a compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor? The reply is, that if he is entitled to one part of that article, he is entitled to all; and among them is the right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State and district. The only theory upon which this proceeding can be sustained is that he has no right to any benefits of. this Article 6 ; and if he has no right thereto, and the statute has made no provision for securing his witnesses or limiting the proceeding to a judge of the district where he resides, the result follows inevitably, as stated, that he may be arrested by any one of the numerous officials named in the statute, and carried before any judge in *743the United States that such official -may select, and, then, unless he proves that which he is given no means of proving, be punished' by removal from home, friends, family, property,, business, to another country.

It is said that these Chinese are entitled, while they remain,, to the safeguards of the Constitution and to the protection of the laws in regard to their rights of person and of property j, but that they continue to be aliens, subject to the absolute power of Congress to forcibly remove them. In other words,, the guarantees of life, liberty, and property,” named in the Constitution, are theirs by sufferance and not of right. Of what avail ar.e such guarantees ?

Once more: Supposing a Chinaman from San Francisco, having obtained a certificate, should go to New York or other place in pursuit of work, and on the way his certificate be lost or destroyed. ' He is subject to arrest and detention, the cost of which is in the discretion of the court, and judgment of deportation will be suspended a reasonable time to enable him to obtain a duplicate from’ the officer granting it In other words, he cannot move about in safety without carrying with him this certificate. The situation was well described by Senator Sherman in the debate in the Senate: “ They are here ticket-of-leave men; precisely as, under the Australian law, a convict is allowed to go at large upon a .ticket-of-leave, these people aré to be allowed to go at large and earn their livelihood, but they must have their tickets-of-leave in their possession.” And he added: This inaugurates in our systen^ of government a new departure; one, I believe, never before practised, although it was suggested in-conference that some such rules had been adopted in slavery times to secure the peace of society.”

, It is true this statute is directed only against the obnoxious Chinese; but if the power exists, who shall say it-will not be exercised to-morrow against other .classes and other people? If the guarantees of these amendments can be thus ignored in order to get rid of this distasteful class, what security have, others that a like disregard of its provisions may'not be resorted to? Profound and wise were the *744observations of Mr. Justice Bradley, speaking for the court in Boyd v. United States, 116 U. S. 616, 635: Illegitimate and unconstitutional practices get their first footing in that way, namely, by silent approaches, and slight .deviations from legal modes of procedure. This can only be obviated by adhering to the rule that constitutional provisions for the security of person and property should be liberally construed. A close and literal construction deprives them of half their efficacy, and leads to gradual depreciation of the right, as if it consisted more in sound than in substance. It is the duty of the courts to be watchful for the constitutional rights of the. citizen, and against any stealthy encroachments thereon. Their motto should be obsta principiis.”

In the Yick Wo case, in which was presented a municipal ordinance, fair on its face, but contrived to work oppression to a few engaged in a single occupation, this court saw no difficulty' in finding a constitutional barrier to such injustice. But this greater wrong, by which a hundred thousand people are subject to arrest and forcible deportation from the country, is beyond the reach of the protecting power of the Constitution. Its grievous wrong suggests this declaration of wisdom, coming from the dawn of English history : “ Verily he who dooms a worse doom to the friendless and the comer from afar than to his fellow, injures himself.” (The Laws of King Cnut, 1 Thorpe’s Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, p. 397.)

In view of this enactment of the highest legislative body of the foremost Christian nation, may not the thoughtful Chinese disciple of Confucius fairly ask, Why do they send missionaries here \

Mr. Justice Field

dissenting.1

I also wish to say a few words upon these casés and upon the extraordinary doctrines announced in support of the . orders of the court below.

*745With the treaties between the United States and China, and the subsequent legislation adopted by Congress to prevent the immigration of Chinese laborers into this country, resulting in the Exclusion Act of October 1, 1888, the court is familiar. They have often been before us and have been considered in almost every phase. The act of 1888 declared that after its passage it should be unlawful for any Chinese laborer who might then or thereafter be a resident of the United States, who should depart therefrom and not return before the passage of the act — to return or remain in the United States. The validity of this act was sustained by this court. 130 U. S. 581. In the opinion announcing the decision we considered the treaties with China, and also the legislation of Congress and the causes which led to its enactment. The court cited numerous instances in which statesmen and jurists of eminence had held that it was the undoubted right of every independent nation to exclude foreigners from its limits whenever in its judgment the public interests demanded such exclusion.

“The power of exclusion of foreigners,” said the court, “ being an incident of sovereignty belonging to the government of the United States as a part of those sovereign powers delegated by the Constitution, the right to its exercise at any time when, in the judgment of the government the interests of the country require it, cannot be granted away or restrained on behalf of any one. The powers of government are delegated in trust to the United States and are incapable of transfer to any other parties. They cannot • be abandoned or surrendered. Nor can their exercise be hampered, \yhen needed for the public good, by any considerations of private interest. The exercise of these public trusts is not the subject' of barter or contract. Whatever license, therefore, Chinese laborers may have obtained previous to the act of October 1, 1888, to return to the United States after their departure, is held at the will of the government, revocable at .any time at its pleasure. Whether a proper consideration by our government of its previous laws, or a proper respect for the nation whose subjects are affected by its action, ought to have qualified its inhibition and made it applicable only to *746persons departing from the country after the passage of the act, are not questions for judicial determination. If there be any just ground of complaint on the part of China it must be made to -the political department of our government, which is alone competent to act upon the subject.” p. 609.

.1 had the honor to be the organ of the court in announcing this opinion and judgment. I still adhere to the views there expressed in all particulars; but between legislation for the exclusion of Chinese persons — that is, to prevent them from entering the country—and legislation for the deportation of those-who have acquired a residence in the country under a treaty with China, there is a .wide and' essential difference. The power of the government,to exclude foreigners from this country, that.‘is, to prevent them from entering it, whenever the public interests in its judgment require such exclusion, has been repeatedly asserted by.the .legislative and executive departments of our government and never denied; but its power to deport from the country persons lawfully domiciled therein by its consent, and engaged in the ordinary pursuits of life, has never been asserted by the legislative or executive departments except for crime, or as an .act of war in view of existing or anticipated hostilities, -unless the alien act of June 25, Í798, can be considered as recognizing that doctrine. 1 Stat. 570, c. 58. That act vested in the President power to order all such aliens as he should adjudge dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States, or should have reasonable grounds to suspect were concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations .against the government, to depart out of' the territory of the United States within such time as should be expressed in his order. And in case any alien when thus ordered to depart should be found at large within the United States after the term limited, in the order, not having obtained a license from the President to. reside therein, or having obtained such license should not have conformed -thereto, he should on conviction thereof be imprisoned for a term not exceeding three years, and should never afterwards be admitted to become a citizen of the United States ; with a proviso that if the alien thus ordered to’ depart should prove to the satis*747faction of the President, by evidence to be taken before such person or persons as he should direct, that no injury or danger to the United States would arise from suffering him to reside therein, the President might grant a license to him to remain within the United States for such time as he should judge proper and at such place as he should designate. The act also provided that the President might require such alien to enter into a bond to the United States in such penal sum as he might direct, with one or more sureties to the satisfaction of the person authorized by the President to take the same, conditioned for his good behavior during his residence in the United States, and not to violate his license, which thé President might revoke whenever he -should think proper. The act also provided that it should be lawful for the President, whenever he deemed it necessary for the public safety, to order to be removed out of the territory of the United States any alien in prison in pursuance of the act, and to cause to be arrested and sent out of the United States such aliens as may have been ordered to depart, and had not obtained a license, in all cases where, in the opinion of the President, the public safety required a speedy removal. And that if any alien thus removed or sent out of the United States should voluntarily return, unless by permission of the President, such alien, being convicted thereof, should be imprisoned so long as in the opinion of the President the public safety might require.

The passage of this act produced great excitement throughout the country and was severely denounced by many of its ablest statesmen and jurists as unconstitutional and barbarous, and among them may be mentioned the great names of Jefferson and Madison, who are throughout our country honored and revered for their lifelong devotion to principles of constitutional liberty. It was defended by' its advocates as-a war measure. John Adams, the President of the United States at the time, who approved the bill and against whom the responsibility for its passage was charged, states in his correspondence that the bill was intended as a measure of that character. 9 John Adams’s "Works, 291. The State of Virginia denounced it in severe terms. Its general assembly *748passed resolutions upon the act and another act of the same session of Congress known as the “ sedition act.” Upon the first — the alien act—one of the resolutions declared that it exercised a power nowhere delegated to the Federal government, and which, by uniting legislative and judicial, powers to those of executive,, sub verted the general principles of free government as well as the particular organization and positive provisions of the Federal Constitution. 4 Elliot’s Deb. 528. The resolutions upon both acts were transmitted to the legislatures of different States, and their communications in answer to them were referred to a committee of the general assembly of Yirginia, of which Mr. Madison was a member, and upon them his celebráted report was made. With reference to the alien act, after observing that it was incumbent in this, as in every other exercise of power by the Federal government, to prove from the Constitution that it granted the particular power exercised; and also that' much confusion and fallacy had been'thrown into.the question to be considered by blending the two cases of aliens, members of a hostile nation, mid aliens, members of friendVy-. nations, he said: “ With respect to alien enemies, no doubt has been intimated as to the Federal authority over them; the Constitution having expressly • delegated to Congress the power to declare war against any nation, and, of course, to treat it and all its members as enemies. With respect to aliens , who are not enemies, but members of nations in peace and amity with the United States, the power assumed by the act of Congress is denied to be constitutional; and it is accordingly against this act that the protest of the general assembly is expressly and exclusively directed.” 4 Elliot’s Deb. 554.

“ Were it admitted, as is contended, that the ‘ act concerning aliens ’ has for its object, not a penal, but a preventive justice, it would still remain to be proved that it comes within the constitutional power of tb,e Federal legislature; and, if within its power, that the legislature has exercised it in a constitutional manner. . . .- It can. never be admitted that the removal of aliens,' authorized by the act, is to be considered, not as punishment for-an offence, but as a measure of *749precaution.. and prevention. If . the banishment of an alien-from a country into which he has been invited as the asylum most auspicious to his happiness — a country where he may have formed the most tender connections ; where he may have-, invested his entire property, and acquired property of the real, and permanent as well as the movable and temporary kind ;; where he enjoys, under the laws, a greater share of the blessings of personal security and personal liberty, than he-can elsewhere hope for; . . . if a banishment of this, sort be not a punishment, and among the severest of punishments, it would be difficult to imagine a doom to which the name can be applied. And, if it be a punishment, it will remain to be inquired whether it can be constitutionally inflicted, on mere suspicion, by the single will of the executive magistrate, on persons convicted of no personal offence against the laws of the land, nor involved in any offence against the law of nations, charged on the foreign state of which they are members.” 4 Elliot’s Deb. 554, 555. . . It does not follow, because aliens are not parties to the Constitution, as citizens are parties to it, that, whilst they actually conform to it, they have no right to its protection. Aliens are not more parties to the laws than they are parties, to the Constitution; yet it will not be disputed that, as they owe, on one hand, a temporary obedience, they are entitled,, in return, to their protection and- advantage.

If aliens had no rights under the Constitution, they might, not only be banished, but even capitally punished without' a jury or the other incidents to a fair trial. Eut, so far has a . contrary principle been carried, in every part of the United States, that, except on charges of treason, an alien has,, besides all the common privileges, the special one of being tried by a jury of which one-half may be also aliens.

“ It is said, further, that, by the law and practice of nations,, aliens may be removed, at discretion, for offences against the-law of nations; that Congress -is authorized to define and punish such offences; and that to be dangerous to the peace of society is, in aliens, one of those offences.

“ The distinction between alien enemies and alien- friends is *750a clear and, conclusive answer to this argument. Alien enemies are under the law of nations, and liable to be punished for offences against it. Alien friends, except in the single case of public ministers, are under the municipal law, and must be tried and punished according to that law only.” 4 Elliot’s Deb. 556. Massachusetts, evidently considering the alien act as a war measure, adopted in anticipation of probable hostilities, said, in answer to- the resolutions of "Virginia, among other things, that “ the removal of aliens is the usual preliminary of hostility, and is justified by the invariable usages of nations. Actual hostility had, unhappily, been long experienced, and a formal declaration of it the government had reason daily to expect.” 4 Elliot’s Deb. 535.

The duration of the act was limited to two years, and it has ever since been the subject of universal condemnation. In no other instance, until the law-before us was passed, has any. public man had the boldness to advocate the deportation of friendly aliens in time óf peace. I repeat the statement, that in no other instance has the deportation of friendly aliens been advocated as a lawful measure by any department, of our government. And it will surprise most people to learn that any such dangerous and despotic power lies in our. government— a power which will authorize it to expel at pleasure, in time of .peace, the whole body of friendly foreigners of any country domiciled herein by its permission, a power which can be brought into exercise whenever it may suit the pleasure of Congress, and be enforced without regard to the guarantees of the Constitution intended for the protection of the rights of all persons in their liberty and property. Is. it possible that Congress can, at its pleasure, in disregard of the guarantees of the Constitution, expel at any time the Irish, German,'.French, and English who may have taken up their residence here on the invitation of the government, wHile we are at -peace with the countries from which they came, simply on the ground that they have not been naturalized ? .

Notwithstanding the activity of the public authorities in enforcing the exclusion act o.f 1888, it was constantly evaded. *751Chinese laborers came into the country'by water and by land; they came through the open ports and by rivers reaching the seas, and they came by way of the Canadas and Mexico. New means of ingress were discovered, and in spite of the vigilance of the police and customs officers great numbers clandestinely found their way into the country. Their resemblance to each other rendered it difficult, and often impossible, to prevent this evasion of the laws. It was under these circumstances that the act of May 5, 1892, c. 60, was passed. It had two objects in view. There were two classes of Chinese persons in the country, those who had evaded the laws excluding them and entered clandestinely, and those who had entered lawfully and resided therein under the treaty with China.

The act of 1892 extended, for the period of ten years from its passage, all laws then in force prohibiting and regulating the coming into the country of Chinese persons, or persons of Chinese descent; and it provided that any person,- when convicted or adjudged under any of those laws of not legally being or remaining in the United States, -should be removed therefrom to China, or to such other country as it might appear he was a subject of, unless such other country should demand' a tax as a .condition of his removal thereto, in which-case he should be removed to China. The act also provided that a Chinese person arrested under its provisions, or the provisions of the acts extended,- should be adjudged to be unlawfully within th.e United States, unless he should establish by affirmative proof his lawful right to remain within the United States; and that any Chinese person, or person of Chinese descent, “convicted and adjudged not lawfully entitled to be or remain in the United States, should be imprisoned at hard labor for a period not exceeding one year, and thereafter removed from the United States.” ’With this class of Chinese, and with the provisions of law applicable to them, we have no concern ..in the present case... We'have only to consider the provisions .of the- act applicable to the second-class of Chinese persons, those who had a lawful right "to remain in the United States. ' By the additional articles to the *752treaty of 1858, adopted in 1868, generally called the Burlingame treaty, the governments of the two countries recognized “the inherent and inalienable right of man to change his-home and allegiance, and also the mutual advantage of free migration and emigration of their citizens and subjects, respectively, from the one country to the other for purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as permanent residence; ” and accordingly the treaty in the additional articles provided that citizens-of the United States visiting or residing in China, and Chinese subjects visiting or residing in the United States, should reciprocally enjoy the same privileges, immunities, and exemptions in respect to travel or residence as should be enjoyed by citizens or subjects of the most favored nation, in the country in which they should, respectively, be visiting or residing. 16-Stat. 739, 740.' The supplemental treaty' of November 17,. 1880, providing for the limitation or suspension of the emigrar tion of Chinese laborers, declared that “the limitation or suspension shall be reasonable and apply only to Chinese who-may go to the United States as laborers, other -classes not-being included in the'limitation,” and that “Chinese subjects, whether residing in the United States as teachers," students, merchants, or from curiosity, together with their body and household servants, and Chinese laborers who were then in the United States, shall be allowed to go and come of their own free will and accord, and shall be accorded all rights, privileges, immunities, and exemptions, which are accorded to-the citizens and subjects of the most favored nation.”

•There are many thousands of Chinese laborers who came to-the country and resided in it under, the additional articles of the treaty adopted in 1868, and were in the country at the-time of the adoption of the supplemental treaty of November, 1880. To these laborers thus lawfully withiu the limits of the United States section six of the act of May 5, 1892, relates. That section, so far as applicable to' the present cases, is as follows:

“ Sec. 6. And it shall be the duty of all Chinese laborers-within- the limits of the United States at the time of the passage .of this act and who are entitled, to remain in thee *753 United States, to apply to the collector of internal revenue of their respective districts, within one year after the passage of this act, for a certificate of residence, and any Chinese laborer within the United States, who shall neglect, fail or refuse to comply with the provisions of this act, or who, after one year from the passage hereof, shall be found within the jurisdiction of the United States without such certificate of residence, shall be deemed and adjudged to be unlawfully within the United States, and may be arrested by any United States customs official, collector of internal revenue or his deputies, United States marshal or his deputies, and taken before a United States jtidge, whose duty it shall be to order that he be deported from the United States, as hereinbefore provided, unless he shall establish clearly to the satisfaction of the said judge that by reason of accident, sickness or other unavoidable cause, he has been unable to procure his certificate, and to the satisfaction of the court, and by at least one credible white-witness, that he was a resident of the United States at the time of the passage of this act; and if upon the hearing it shall appear that he is so entitled to a certificate, it shall be granted upon his paying the cost. Should it appear that said Chinaman had procured a certificate which has been lost or destroyed, he shall be detained and judgment suspended a reasonable time to enable him to procure a duplicate from the officer granting it, and in such cases the cost of said arrest and trial shall be in the discretion of the court.”

The purpose of this section was to secure the means of readily identifying the Chinese laborers present in the country and entitled to remain, from those who may have clandestinely entered the country in violation of its laws. Those entitled to remain, by having a certificate of their identification, would enable the officers of the government to readily discover and bring to punishment those not entitled to enter but who are excluded. To procure such a certificate was not a hardship to the laborers, but a means to secure full protection to them, and at the same time prevent an evasion of the law.

This object being constitutional, the only question for our *754.consideration is the lawfulness of the procedure provided for its accomplishment, and this must he tested by the provisions of the Constitution and laws intended for the protection of all persons against encroachment upon their rights. Aliens from countries at peace with us, domiciled within our country by its consent, are entitled to all the guaranties for the protection of their persons and property which are secured to native-born citizens. The moment any human being from a country at peace with us comes within the jurisdiction of the United States, with their consent — and such consent will always be implied when-' not expressly withheld, and in the case of the Chinese laborers before us was in terms given by the treaty referred to — he becomes subject to all their laws, is amenable to their punishment and entitled to their protection. Arbitrary and despotic power can no more be exercised over them with reference to their persons and property, than over the persons and property of native-born citizens. They differ only from citizens in that they cannot vote or hold any public office. As men having our common humanity, they are protected by all the guaranties of the Constitution. To hold that they are subject to any different law or are less protected,in any particular than other persons, is in my judgment to ignore the teachings of our history, the practice of our government, and the language of our Constitu-. tion. Let us test this doctrine by an illustration. If a foreigner who resides in the country by its consent commits a public offence, is he subject to be cut down, maltreated, imprisoned, or put to death by violehce, without accusation made, trial had, and judgment of an established tribunal following the regular forms of judicial procedure? If any rule in the administration of justice is to be omitted or discarded in his cáse, what rule is it to be ? If one rule may lawfully be laid aside in his case, another rule may also be laid aside, and all rules may be discarded. In such instances a rule of evidence may be set aside in one case, a rule of pleading in another; the testimony of eye-witnesses may be rejected and hearsay adopted, or no evidence at all may be received, but simply an inspection of the accused, as is often *755the case in tribunals of Asiatic countries where personal caprice and not settled rules prevail. That would be to establish a pure, simple, undisguised despotism and tyranny with respect to foreigners resident in the country by its consent, and such an exercise of power is not permissible under our Constitution. Arbitrary and tyrannical power has no place in our system. As said by this court, speaking by Mr. Justice Matthews, in Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356, 369: When we consider the nature and theory of our institutions of government, the principles upon which they are supposed to rest, and view the history of their development, we are constrained to conclude they do not mean to leave room for the play and action of purely personal and arbitrary power. . . . The fundamental rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness as individual possessions are secured by those maxims of constitutional law which are the monuments, showing .the victorious progress of the race in securing toman the blessings, of civilization under the reign of just and equal laws.” What once I had occasion to say of the' protection afforded by our government I repeat: It is certainly something in which a citizen of the United' States may feel a generous pride that the government of his country extends protection to all persons within its jurisdiction; and that every blow aimed at any of them, however humble,, come from what quarter it may, is caught upon the broad shield of our blessed Constitution and our equal laws.’ ” Ho Ah Kow v. Nunan, 5 Sawyer, 552, 563.

I utterly dissent from and. reject .the doctrine expressed in the opinion of the majority, that Congress, under the power to exclude or expel aliens, might have directed any Chinese laborer found in the United States without a certificate of residence to be removed out of the country by executive officers, without .judicial trial or examination, just as it might have*' authorized such officers absolutely to prevent his entrance into the country.” An arrest in that way for that purpose would not be a reasonable seizure of the person within the meaning of the Fourth Article of the amendments to the Constitution. It would be brutal and oppressive. The *756existence of the power thus stated is only consistent with the admission that the .government is one of unlimited and despotic power so far as aliens domiciled in the country are concerned. According to its theory, Congress might have ordered executive officers to take the Chinese laborers to the ocean and put them into a boat and set them adrift; or to take them to the borders of Mexico and turn them loose there; and in both cases without any means of support; indeed, it might have sanctioned towards these laborers the most shocking brutality conceivable. I utterly repudiate all such notions, and reply that brutality, inhumanity, and cruelty cannot be mad¿ -elements in any procedure for the enforcement of the laws of the United States.

The majority of the court have, in their opinion, made numerous citations from the courts and the utterances of individuals upon the power of the government of an independent nation to exclude foreigners from entering its limits, but none, beyond a few loose observations, as to its power to expel and deport from the country those who are domiciled therein by its consent. The citation from the opinion in the recent case of Nishimura Ekiu v. United States, (the Japanese case,) 142 U. S. 651; the citation from the opinion in Chae Chan, Ping v. United States, (the Chinese Exclusion case,) 130 U. S. 581, 604, 606; the citation in the case before the judiciary committee of the Privy Council — all have reference to the exclusion of foreigners from entering the country. They do not touch upon the question of deporting them from the country after they have been domiciled within it by the consent of its government, which is the real question in the case. The citation from Yattel is only as to. the power of exclusion, that is, from coming to the country. The citation from Phillimore is to the same effect. As there stated, the government allowing the introduction of aliens, may prescribe the conditions on which they shall be allowed to remain, the conditions being imposed whenever they enter the country. There is no dispute about the power of Congress to prevent the 'landing of aliens in the country; the question is as to the power of Congress to deport them with*757out regard to the guaranties of the Constitution.. . The statement that in England the power to expel aliens has always been recognized and often exercised, and the only question that has ever been as to this power is whether it could be exercised by the King without the consent of Parliament, is, I think, not strictly accurate. The citations given by Mr. Choate in his brief show conclusively, it seems to me, that deportation from the realm has not been exercised in England since Magna Charta, except in punishment for crime, or as a measure in view of existing or anticipated hostilities. But even if that power were exercised by every government of Europe, it would have no bearing in these cases. It may be admitted that the power has been exercised by the various governments of Europe. Spain expelled the Moors; England, in the reign of Edward I, banished fifteen thousand Jews;1 and Louis XIV, in 1685, by revoking the Edict of Nantes, which, gave religious liberty to Protestants in France, drove out the Huguenots. Nor does such severity of European governments belong only to the distant past. Within three years Russia has banished many thousands of Jews, and apparently intends the expulsion of the whole race — an act of barbarity which has aroused the indignation of all Christendom. Such was the feeling in this country that, friendly as our relations with Russia had always been, President Harrison felt compelled to call the attention of Congress to it in his message in 1891 as a fit subject for national remonstrance. ■ Indeed, all the instances mentioned have been condemned for their barbarity and cruelty, and no power to perpetrate such barbarity is to be implied from the nature of our government, and certainly is not found in any delegated powers under the Constitution.

The government of the United States is one of limited and delegated powers. It takes nothing from the usages or the former action of European governments, nor does it take any power by any supposéd inherent sovereignty. There is a great deal of confusion in the use of the word “ sovereignty ” *758by law writers. Sovereignty or supreme power is in this country vested in the people, and only in the people. By them certain sovereign powers have been delegated to the government of the United States and other sovereign powers reserved to the States or to themselves. This is not a matter of inference and argument, but is the express declaration of the Tenth Amendment to the Constitution, passed to avoid any misinterpretation of the powers of the general government. That amendment declares that “The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited' by it to the States, are reserved to the States, respectively, or to the people.” When, therefore, power is exercised by Congress, authority for it must be found in express terms in the Constitution, or in the means necessary or proper for the execution of the power expressed. If it cannot be thus found, it does not exist.

It will be seen by its provisions that the sixth section recognizes the right of certain Chinese laborers to remain in the United States, but to render null that right it declares that if within one year'after the passage of the act any Chinese laborer shall have neglected, failed, or refused to comply with the provisions of the act to obtain a certificate of residence, or shall be found within the jurisdiction of the United States .without a certificate of residence, he shall be deemed and adjudged to be unlawfully within the United -States, and may be arrested by any United States customs official, collector of internal revenue or his deputies, a United' States marshal or his deputies, and taken before a United States judge, whose duty it shall be to order that he.be deported from the United States, unless he shall establish clearly to the satisfaction the judge that by reason of accident, sickness, or other unavoidable cause he has been unable to secure his certificate, and to the satisiastion of the judge by at least one credible white witness that ne was a resident of the United States at the time of the passage of the act. His deportation is thus imposed for neglect to obtain.a certificate of residence,-from which he can only escape by showing his inability to secure it from one of the causes named. That is the punishment *759for his neglect, and that being of an infamous character can only be imposed after indictment, trial, and conviction. If applied to a citizen, none of the justices of this court would hesitate a moment to‘ pronounce it illegal. .Had the punishment been a fine, or anything else than of an infamous character, it might have been imposed without indictment; but not so now, unless we hold that a foreigner from a country at peace with us, though domiciled by the consent of our government, is withdrawn from all the guaranties of due process of law prescribed by 'the Constitution, when charged with an offence to which the gravp punishment designated is affixed.

• The punishment is beyond all reason in its severity. It is out of all proportion to the alleged offence. It is cruel and unusual. As to its. cruelty, nothing can exceed a forcible deportation from a country of one’s residence, and the breaking up of all the relations of friendship, family, and business there contracted. The laborer may be seized at a distance from his home, his family and his business, and taken before the judge for his condemnation, without permission to visit his home, see his family, or complete any unfinished business. Mr. Madison well pictures its character in - his powerful denunciation of the alien law of 1798 in his celebrated report upon the resolutions, from which we have cited, and concludes, as we have seen, that if a banishment of the sort described be not a punishment, and among the severest of pumishments, it will be (difficult to imagine a doom to which the name can be applied.

Again, when taken before a United States judge, he is required, in order to avoid the doom declared, to establish clearly to the satisfaction of the judge that by reason of accident, sickness, or other unavoidable cause, he was unable to secure his certificate, and that he was a resident of the United States at the time, by at least one credible white witness. Here the government undertakes to exact of the party arrested the testimony of a witness of a particular color, though conclusive and incontestible testimony from others may be adduced. The law might as well have said, that unless the laborer *760should also present a particular person as a witness who could not he produced, from sickness, absence, or other cause, such as the archbishop of the State, to establish the fact of residence, he should be held to be unlawfully within the United States.

There are numerous other objections to the provisions of the act under consideration. Every step in the procedure provided, as truly said by counsel, tramples upon some constitutional right. Grossly it violates the Fourth Amendment, which declares that: “ The right of the people to be secure in their persons, . . . against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrant shall issue but upon probable cause-, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the . . . persons ... to be seized.”

The act provides for the seizure of the person without oath or affirmation or warrant, and without showing any probable cause by the officials mentioned. The arrest, as observed by counsel, involves a search of his person for the certificate which he is required to have always with him. "Who will have the hardihood and effrontery to say this is' not an “ unreasonable search and seizure of the person ” ? Until now it has never been asserted by any court or judge of high authority that foreigners domiciled in this country by the consent of our government could be deprived of the securities of this amendment; that their persons could be subjected to unreasonable searches and seizures, and that they could be arrested without warrant upon probable cause supported by oath or affirmation.

I will not pursue the subject further. The decision of the court' and the sanction it would give to legislation depriving resident- aliens of the guaranties of the Constitution fills me with apprehensions. Those guaranties are of priceless value to every one resident in the country, whether citizen or alien. I.cannot but regard the decision as a blow against constitutional liberty, when it declares that Congress has the right to disregard the guaranties of the Constitution intended for the protection of all r en, domiciled in the country with the consent of the govern lent, in their rights of person and property. *761How far will its legislation, go ? The unnaturalized resident feels it. to-day, but if Congress can disregard the guaranties with respect to any one domiciled .in this country with its consent, it may disregard the guaranties with respect to naturalized citizens. What assurance have we that it may not declare that naturalized citizens of a particular country 'cannot remain in the United States after a certain day, unless they have in their possession a certificate that they are of good moral character and attached to the principles of our Constitution, which certificate they must obtain from a collector of internal revenue upon the testimony of at least one competent witness qf a class or nationality to be designated by the government ?

What answer could the naturalized citizen in that case make to his arrest for deportation, which cannot be urged in behalf of the Chinese laborers of to-day ?

I am of the opinion that the orders of the court below should be reversed, and the petitioners should be'discharged.

Me. Chief Justice Fullee

dissenting.

I also dissent from the opinion and judgment of the court in these cases.

If the protection of the Constitution extends to Chinese laborers who are lawfully within and entitled to remain in the United States under previous treaties and laws, then the question whether this act of Congress so far as it relates to them is in conflict with that instrument, is a judicial question, and its determination belongs to.the judicial department.

However reluctant courts may be to pass upon the constitutionality of legislative acts, it is of the very essence of judicial duty to do so when the discharge of that duty is properly invoked.

I entertain no doubt that the provisions of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments, which forbid that any person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, are in the language of Mr. Justice Matthews, already quoted by my brother Brewer, universal in their application to all persons within the territorial jurisdiction, without *762regard to any differences of race, of color, or of nationality,” and although in Yick Wo’s case only the validity of a municipal ordinance was involved, the rule laid down as much applies to Congress under the Fifth Amendment as to the States under .the Fourteenth. The right to remain in the United States, in the enjoyment of all the rights, privileges, immunities, and exemptions accorded to the citizens and subjects of the most favored nation, is a valuable right, and certainly a right which cannot be taken away without taking away the liberty of its possessor. This cannot be done by mere legislation.

The argument' is that friendly aliens, who have .lawfully acquired a domicil in this country, are entitled to avail themselves of the safeguards of the Constitution only while permitted to. remain, and that the power to expel them and the manner of its exercise are unaffected by that instrument. It is' difficult to see how this ean be so in view of the operation of the power upon the existing rights of individuals; and to say that the residence of the alien, whep invited and secured by treaties and laws; is held in subordination to the exertion against him, as an alien, of the absolute and unqualified power asserted, is to import a condition not recognized by the funda-' mental law. Conceding that the exercise of the power to exclude is committed to the political department, and that the denial of entrance is not necessarily the subject of judicial cognizance, the exercise of the power to expel, the manner in which the right to remain may be terminated, rest on different ground, since limitations exist or are imposed upon the deprivation of that which has been lawfully acquired. And while the general government is invested, in respect of foreign countries and their subjects or citizens, with the powers necessary to the maintenance of its absolute independence and security throughout its entire territory, it cannot, in virtue of any delegated power, or power implied therefrom, or of a supposed inherent sovereignty, arbitrarily deal with persons lawfully within the peace of its dominion. But the act before us is not an act to abrogate or repeal treaties or laws in respect of Chinese laborers entitled to remain in the United States, or *763to expel them from the country, and no such intent can be imputed to Congress. As to them, registration' for the pur7 pose, of identification is required, and the deportation denounced for failure to do so is by way of punishment to coerce compliance with that requisition. No euphuism can disguise the character of the act' in this regard. It directs the performance .of a judicial function in a particular. way, and inflicts punishment without a judicial trial. It is,- in effect, a legislative sentence of banishment, and, as such, absolutely void. Moreover, it contains within it the germs of the assertion of an unlimited and arbitrary power, in general, incompatible with the immutable principles of justice,- inconsistént with the nature of our government, and in conflict with the written Constitution by which that government was created and those principles secured.

2.2.3 Wong Wing v. United States 2.2.3 Wong Wing v. United States

What boundary does Wong Wing set on the plenary power doctrine? In other words, when does the plenary power doctrine not apply in cases involving noncitizens?

WONG WING v. UNITED STATES.

APPEAL FROM THE CIRCUIT COURT OF THE UNITED STATES FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF MICHIGAN.

No. 204.

Argued April 1, 2, 1896.

Decided May 18, 1896.

Detention or temporary confinement, as part of tbe means necessary to give effect to tbe exclusion or expulsion of Chinese aliens is valid.

The United States can forbid aliens from coming within their borders, and expel them, from their territory, and can devolve the power and duty of identifying and arresting such persons upon executive or subordinate officials; but when Congress sees fit to further promote such a policy by subjecting the persons of such aliens to infamous punishment at hard labor, or by confiscating their property, such legislation, to be valid, must provide'for a judicial trial to establish the guilt of the accused.

*229On July 15, 1892, Wong Wing, Lee Poy, Lee Ton Tong and Chan Wah Dong were brought before John Graves, a commissioner of the Circuit Court of the United States for the Eastern District of Michigan, by virtue of a warrant issued upon the complaint of T. E. McDonough, deputy collector of customs, upon a charge of being Chinese persons unlawfully within the United States and not entitled to remain within the same. The commissioner found that said persons were unlawfully within the United States and not entitled to remain within the same, and he adjudged that they be imprisoned at hard labor at and in the Detroit house of correction for a period of sixty days from and including the day of commitment, and that at the expiration of said time they be removed from the United States to China.

A writ of habeas corpus was sued out of the Circuit Court of the United States, directed to Joseph Nicholson, superintendent of the Detroit house of correction, alleging that said persons were by him unlawfully detained; the superintendent made a return setting up the action of the commissioner; and, after argument, the writ of habeas corpus was discharged, and the prisoners were remanded to the custody of said Nicholson, to serve out their original sentence. Erom this decision an appeal was taken to this court.

Mr. Frank H. Canfield for appellants. Mr. Frederick W. Fielding was on his brief.

Mr. Assistant Attorney General Dickinson for appellees.

Me. Justice Shieab,

after stating the case, delivered the opinion of the court.

By the thirteenth section of the act of September 13,1888, c. 1015, 25 Stat. 4/76, 4/79, it was provided as follows: “ That any Chinese person, or person of Chinese descent, found unlawfully in the United States or its Territories, may be arrested upon a warrant issued upon a complaint under oath, filed by any party on behalf of the United States, by any justice, *230judge, or commissioner of any United States Court, returnable before any justice, judge or commissioner of a United States court, or before any United States court, and when convicted, -upon a hearing, and found and adjudged to be one not lawfully entitled to be or remain in the United States, such person shall be removed from the United States to the country whence he came.”

The first section of the act of October 1, 1888, c. 1064, 25 Stat. 504, was in the following terms: That from and after the passage of this act it shall be unlawful for any Chinese laborer who shall at any time heretofore have been, or who may now or hereafter be, a resident within the United States, and who shall have departed, or shall depart therefrom, and shall not have returned before the passage of this act, to return to, or remain in, the United States.”

The validity of these acts was assailed because they were alleged to be in conflict with existing treaties between the United States and China, and because to deport a Chinaman who had, under previous laws, a right to return to the United States, was a punishment which could not be inflicted except by judicial sentence.

But these contentions were overruled and the validity of the legislation sustained by this court in the case of Chae Chan Ping v. United States, 130 U. S. 581. In this case it was held, in an elaborate decision by Mr. Justice Field, that the act excluding Chinese laborers from the United States was a constitutional exercise of legislative power; that, so far as it conflicted with existing treaties between the United States and China, it operated to that extent to abrogate them as part of the municipal law of the United States; and that a right conferred upon a Chinese laborer, by a certificate issued in pursuance of previous laws, to return to the United States could be taken away by a subsequent act of Congress.

On May 5, 1892, by an act of that date, c. 60, 27 Stat. 25, Congress enacted that all laws then in force, prohibiting and regulating the coming into this country of Chinese persons and persons of Chinese descent, should be continued in force for a period of ten years from the passage of the act. The sixth *231section of the act was, in part, in the following terms: “ And it shall be the duty of all Chinese laborers within the limits of the United States, at the time of the.passage of this act, and who are entitled to remain in the United States, to apply to the collector of internal revenue of their respective districts, within one year after the passage of this act, for a certificate of residence, and any Chinese laborer, within the limits of the United States, who shall neglect, fail or refuse to comply with the provisions of this act, or who, after one year from the passage hereof, shall be found within the jurisdiction of the United States without such certificate of residence, shall be deemed and adjudged to be unlawfully within the United States, and may be arrested by any United States customs official, collector of internal revenue or his deputies, United States marshal or his deputies, and taken before a United States judge, whose duty it shall be to order that he be deported from the United States as hereinbefore provided.”

As against the validity of this section, it was contended that, whatever might be true as to the power of the United States to exclude aliens, yet there was no power to banish such aliens who had been permitted to become residents, and that, if such power did exist, it was in the nature of a punishment, and could only be lawfully exercised after a judicial trial.

But this court held, in the case of Fong Yue Ting v. United States, 149 U. S. 698, that the right to exclude or to expel aliens, or any class of aliens, absolutely or upon certain conditions, in war or in peace, is an inherent and inalienable right of every sovereign and independent nation; that the power of Congress to expel, like the power to exclude, aliens or any class of aliens from the country may be exercised entirely through executive officers; and that the said sixth section of the act of May 5, 1892, was constitutional and valid.

The act of August 18,1894, c. 301, 28 Stat. 372, 390, made provision for expenses of returning to China all Chinese persons found to be unlawfully in the United States, including the cost of imprisonment and actual expense of conveyance of Chinese persons to the frontier or seaboard for deportation, *232and contained the following enactment: “ In every case where an alien is excluded from admission into the United States under any law or treaty now existing or hereafter made, the decision of the appropriate immigration or customs officers, if adverse to the admission of such alien, shall be final unless reversed on appeal to the Secretary of the Treasury.”

One Lem Moon Sing, a person of the Chinese race, who claimed to have had a permanent domicil in the United States, and to have carried on business therein as a merchant before the passage of the act of August 18,1894, and to have gone on a temporary visit to his native land with the intention of returning and continuing his residence in the United States— during which temporary absence the said act was passed — was, on his return, prevented from landing, and was confined and restrained of his liberty by the collector of the port of San Francisco. He filed in the District Court of the United States-for the Northern District of California a petition for a writ of habeas, corpus, wherein he alleged that he had not been apprehended and was not detained by virtue of the judgment, order, decree or other judicial process of any court, or under any writ or warrant, but under the authority alleged to have been given to the collector of the port of San Francisco by the act of August 18, 1894, and that his detention was without jurisdiction and without due process of law, and against his rights under the Constitution and laws of the United States. The writ of habeas corpus was denied by the court below, and from this judgment an appeal was prosecuted to this court.

The contention on behalf of the appellant in the case was thus stated by Mr. Justice Harlan, who delivered the opinion of the court:

“ The contention is that while, generally speaking, immigration officers have jurisdiction under the statute to exclude an alien who is not entitled under some treaty or statute to come into the United States, yet if the alien is entitled, of right, by some law or treaty, to enter this country, but is, nevertheless, excluded by such officers, the latter exceed their jurisdiction, and their alleged action, if it results in restraining *233the alien of his liberty, presents a judicial question, for the decision of which the courts may intervene upon a writ of habeas corpus.”

In considering this position the court said:

“ That view, if sustained, would bring into the courts every case of an alien who claimed the right to come into the United States under some law or treaty, but was prevented from doing so by the' executive branch of the government. This would defeat the manifest purpose of Congress in committing to subordinate immigration officers and to the Secretary of the Treasury exclusive authority to determine whether a particular alien seeking admission into this country belongs to the class entitled by some law or treaty to come into the country, or to a class forbidden to enter the United States. Under that interpretation of the act of 1894 the provision that the decision of the appropriate immigration or customs officers should be final, unless reversed on appeal to the Secretary of the Treasury, would be of no practical value.

“ The power of Congress to exclude aliens altogether from the United States, or to prescribe the terms and conditions upon which they may come to this country, and to have its declared policy in that regard enforced exclusively through executive officers, without judicial intervention, is settled by our previous adjudications.”

Accordingly the judgment of the conrt below denying the application for the writ of habeas corpus was affirmed. Lem Moon Sing v. United States, 158 U. S. 538.

The present appeal presents a different question from those heretofore determined. It is claimed that, even if it be competent for Congress to prevent aliens from coming into the country, or to provide for the deportation of those unlawfully within its borders, and to submit the enforcement of the provisions of such laws to executive officers, yet the fourth section of the act of 1892, which provides that “any such Chinese person, or person of Chinese descent, convicted and adjudged to be not lawfully entitled to be or remain in the United States, shall be imprisoned at hard labor for a period not exceeding one year, and thereafter removed from the United *234States,” inflicts an infamous punishment, and hence conflicts with the Fifth and Sixth Amendments of the Constitution, which declare that no person shall he held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, and that in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed.

It is argued that, as this court has held, in Ex parte Wilson, 114 U. S. 417, and in Mackin v. United States, 117 U. S. 348, that no person can be held to answer, without presentment or indictment by a grand jury, for any crime for which an infamous punishment may be imposed by the court, and that imprisonment at hard labor for a term of years is an infamous punishment, the detention of the present appellants, in the house of correction at Detroit, at hard labor for a period of sixty days, without having been sentenced thereto upon an indictment by a grand jury and a trial by a jury, is illegal and without jurisdiction.

On the other hand, it is contended on behalf of the Government that it has never been decided by this court that in all cases where the punishment may be confinement at hard labor the crime is infamous, and many cases are cited from the reports of the state Supreme Courts, where the constitutionality of statutes providing for summary proceedings, without a jury trial, for the punishment by imprisonment at hard labor of vagrants and disorderly persons has been upheld. These courts have held that the constitutional guarantees refer to such crimes and misdemeanors as have, by the regular course of the law and the established modes of procedure, been the subject of trial by jury, and that they do not embrace every species of accusation involving penal consequences. It is urged that the offence of being and remaining unlawfully within the limits of the United States by an alien is a political offence, and is not within the common law cases triable only by a jury, and that the Constitution does not apply to such a case.

The Chinese exclusion acts operate upon two classes — one *235consisting of those who came into the country with its consent, the other of those who have .come into the United States without their consent and in disregard of the law. Our previous decisions have settled that it is within the constitutional power of Congress to deport both of these classes, and to commit the enforcement of the law to executive officers.

The question now presented is whether Congress can promote its policy in respect to Chinese persons by adding to its provisions for their' exclusion and expulsion punishment by imprisonment at hard labor, to be inflicted by the judgment of any justice, judge or commissioner of the United States, without a trial by jury. In other words, we have to consider the meaning and validity of the fourth section of the act .of May 5,1892, in the following words: “ That any such Chinese person, or person of Chinese descent, convicted and adjudged to be not lawfully entitled to be and remain in the United States, shall be imprisoned at hard labor for a period of not exceeding one year, and thereafter removed from the United States, as hereinbefore provided.”

We think it clear that detention, or temporary confinement, as part of the means necessary to give effect to the provisions for the exclusion or expulsion of aliens would be valid. Proceedings to exclude or expel would be vain if those accused could not be held in custody pending the inquiry into their true character and while arrangements were being made for their deportation. Detention is a usual feature of every case of arrest on a criminal charge, even when an innocent person is wrongfully accused; but it is not imprisonment in a legal sense.

So, too, we think it would be plainly competent for Congress to declare the act of an alien in remaining unlawfully within the United States to be an offence, punishable by fine or imprisonment, if such offence were to be established by a judicial trial.

But the evident meaning of the section in question, and no other is claimed for it by the counsel for the Government, is that the detention provided for is an imprisonment at hard labor, which is to be undergone before the sentence of depor*236tation is to be carried into effect, and that such imprisonment is to be adjudged against the accused by a justice, judge or commissioner, upon a summary hearing. Thus construed, the fourth section comes before this court for the first time for consideration as to its validity.

It is, indeed, obvious, from some expressions used by the court in a previous opinion under the exclusion acts, that it was perceived that the question now presented might arise; but care was taken to reserve any expression of opinion upon it. Thus, in the case of Fong Yue Ting v. United States, 149 U. S. 730, Mr. Justice Gray used the following significant language:

“ The proceeding before a United States judge, as provided for in section 6 of the act of 1892, is in no proper sense a trial and sentence for a crime or offence. It is simply the ascer. tainment, by appropriate and lawful means, of the fact whether the conditions exist upon which Congress has enacted that an alien of this class may remain within the country. The order of deportation is not a punishment for crime. It is not a banishment, in the sense in which that word is often applied to the expulsion of a citizen from his country by way of punishment. It is but a method of enforcing the return to his own country of an alien who has not complied with the conditions upon the performance of which the government of the nation, acting within its constitutional authority and through the proper departments, has determined that his continuing to reside here shall depend. He has not, therefore, been deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law; and the provisions of the Constitution, securing the right of trial by jury, and prohibiting unreasonable searches and seizures, and cruel and unusual punishments, have no application.”

There is an evident implication, in this language, of a distinction between those provisions of the statute which contemplate only the exclusion or expulsion of Chinese persons and those which provide for their imprisonment at hard labor, pending which their deportation is suspended.

Our views, upon the question thus specifically pressed upon *237our attention, may be briefly expressed thus: We regard it as settled by our previous decisions that the United States can, as a matter of public policy, by Congressional enactment, forbid aliens or classes of aliens from coming within their borders, and expel aliens or classes of aliens from their territory, and can, in order to make effectual such decree of exclusion or expulsion, devolve the power and duty of identifying and arresting the persons included in such decree, and causing their deportation, upon executive or subordinate officials.

But when Congress sees fit to further promote such a policy by subjecting the persons of such aliens to infamous punishment at hard labor, or by confiscating their property, we think such legislation, to be valid, must provide for a judicial trial to establish the guilt of the accused.

No limits can be put by the courts upon the power of Congress to protect, by summary methods, the country from the advent of aliens whose race or habits render them undesirable as citizens, or to expel such if they have already found their way into our land and unlawfully remain therein. But to declare unlawful residence within the country to be an infamous crime, punishable by deprivation of liberty and property, would be to pass out of the sphere of constitutional legislation, unless provision were made that the fact of guilt should first be established by a judicial trial. It is not consistent with the theory of our government that the legislature should, after having defined an offence as an infamous crime, find the fact of guilt and adjudge the punishment by one of its own agents.

In Ex parte Wilson, 114 U. S. 428, this court declared that for more than a century imprisonment at hard labor in the state prison or penitentiary or other similar institution has been considered an infamous punishment in England and America, and that imprisonment at hard labor, compulsory and unpaid, is, in the strongest sense of the words, “ involuntary servitude for crime,” spoken of in the provision of the Ordinance of 1787, and of the Thirteenth Amendment of the Constitution, by which all other slavery was abolished, and which declares *238that such slavery or involuntary servitude shall not exist within the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted.

And in the case of Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356, 369, it was said: “ The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution is not confined to the protection of citizens. It says: ‘Nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty or property without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the law.’ These provisions are universal in their application to all persons within the territorial jurisdiction, without regard to any differences of race, of color, or nationality; and the equal protection of the laws is a pledge of the protection of equal laws.” Applying this reasoning to the Fifth and Sixth Amendments, it must be concluded that all persons within the territory of the United States are entitled to the protection guaranteed by those amendments, and that even aliens shall not be held to answer for a capital or other infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, nor be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law.

Our conclusion is that the commissioner, in sentencing the appellants to imprisonment at hard labor at and in the Detroit house of correction, acted without jurisdiction, and that the Circuit Court erred in not discharging the prisoners from such imprisonment, without prejudice to their detention according to law for deportation.

The judgment of the Circuit Court is reversed and the cause remanded to that court with directions to proceed therein in accorda/nce with this opinion.

Me. Justice Field,

concurring in part and dissenting in part.

The majority of the justices, in this case, hold that whatever might be true as to the power of the United States to exclude aliens, yet there was no power to punish such aliens who had been permitted to become residents, and that, if such power did exist, it could only be lawfully exercised after a *239judicial trial, and therefore that the accused were entitled to be discharged from their arrest and imprisonment. To that extent their opinion is concurred in.

But I do not concur, but dissent entirely from what seemed to me to be harsh and illegal assertions, made by counsel of the Government, on the argument of this case, as to the right of the court to deny to the accused the full protection of the law and Constitution against eveiy form of oppression and cruelty to them.

Wong Wing, one of the petitioners on proceedings to be released from the alleged unlawful imprisonment, is a subject of the Chinese Government, with which the Government of the United States has relations of peace and amity. This Chinaman and three other persons of the same race and country were in the month of July, 1892, found within the city of Detroit, in the Eastern District of Michigan, and upon the complaint of the deputy collector of customs at that place, made to a United States Circuit Court commissioner for that district, that they were unlawfully within the limits of the United States, a warrant for their arrest was issued by the commissioner, and they were accordingly arrested and taken before him for inquiry into the correctness of the charge.

Upon examination before the commissioner upon the charge it was held by him that the Chinese persons named were unlawfully within the United States, and his judgment was that they should be imprisoned at hard labor in the house of correction at Detroit, in the Eastern District of Michigan, for a period of sixty days from and including thatvdate, and that at the expiration of that period they should be removed from the United States to China.

The Chinese thus arrested and committed immediately applied to the judges of the United States court for the Eastern District of Michigan, for a writ of habeas corpus, to be released from their imprisonment and restraint of their liberty, alleging that the same were unlawful, without warrant of law and contrary to the Constitution and laws of the United States; and that they were made under the act of Congress *240approved May 5, 1892, entitled “ An act to prohibit the coming of Chinese persons into the United States.”

The petitioners alleged that the proceedings and conviction were wholly without jurisdiction on the part of the commissioner and without warrant and authority of law. They therefore prayed that the writ might issue commanding the superintendent of the Detroit house of correction to forthwith bring the petitioners before the court and show cause, if any there be, why they should be further detained and deprived of their liberty. The writ was immediately issued and served upon the superintendent, commanding him to have the bodies of the arrested and imprisoned Chinese upon a day and hour designated before the court, together with the time and cause of such imprisonment and detention.

The superintendent immediately appeared before the court and produced the arrested and imprisoned persons with a copy of the commitment issued by the commissioner at a session of the Circuit Court of the United States for the Eastern District of Michigan, held pursuant to adjournment in the District Court room in the city of Detroit on Friday, the 22d day of July, 1892, Honorable Henry H. Swan, District Judge, being present, and after arguments of counsel were heard, the court ordered that the writ of habeas corpus be discharged, and that the persons arrested be remanded to the custody of Nicholson, the keeper of the District house of correction, to serve their original sentences.

The prisoners now allege that they are aggrieved by the decision of the court, and are advised that the judgment and order are erroneous upon the following, among other grounds:

First, because the commitment and imprisonment of the petitioners in the house of correction are unlawful and without warrant of law, and contrary to the Constitution and laws of the United States; that the proceedings and conviction of the petitioners before the commissioner were wholly without jurisdiction on his part, and without warrant or authority of law; that for these and other reasons appearing upon the face of the proceedings the petitioners, feeling themselves aggrieved by the judgment and decision of the Circuit Court, *241appeal therefrom to the Supreme Court of the United States, and pray that the appeal may be allowed, and, in accordance with the rules and practice of that court, pending the appeal they may be admitted to bail, which prayer was granted.

The question involved is whether a Chinese person can be lawfully convicted and sentenced to imprisonment at hard labor for a definite period by a commissioner without indictment or trial by jury. The question involves the constitutionality of section é of the act of 1892.

It is submitted that this section is invalid because it conflicts with the Fifth Amendment of the Constitution, which declares that “no person shall be held to answer for a capital, or other infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, . . . nor be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law,” and also conflicts with the Sixth Amendment of the Constitution, which provides that “ in all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed.”

It does not follow that, because the Government may expel aliens or exclude them from coming to this country, it can confine them at hard labor in a penitentiary before deportation or subject them to any harsh and cruel punishment. If the imprisonment of a human being at hard labor in a penitentiary for any misconduct or offence is not punishment, it is difficult to understand how anything short of the infliction of the death penalty for such misconduct or offence is punishment. It would seem to be not only punishment, but punishment infamous in its character, which, under the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, can only be inflicted upon a person after his due conviction of crime pursuant to the forms and provisions of law.

Section á of the act oí 1892 provides : “That any Chinese person or person of Chinese descent, convicted and adjudged to be not lawfully entitled to be or remain in the United States, shall be imprisoned at hard labor for a period not exceeding one year, and thereafter removed from the United *242States, as hereinbefore provided,” and whenever the law provides that imprisonment shall follow a trial and conviction of the offender, it necessarily intends that such imprisonment shall be inflicted as punishment for the offence of which the person has been convicted. Imprisonment at hard labor for a definite period is not only punishment, but it is punishment of an infamous character.

Imprisonment at hard labor in a state prison is also servitude, to which no person under the Constitution can be subjected except as a punishment for crime, whereof he shall have been duly convicted.

In Ex parte Wilson, 114 U. S. 417, the court said: “ Imprisonment at hard labor, compulsory and unpaid, is, in the strongest sense of the words, ‘ involuntary servitude for crime,’ spoken of in the Ordinance of 1787 and of the Thirteenth Amendment of the Constitution, by which all other slavery was abolished.”

In 2 Story on the Constitution, § 1924, it is said that this amendment “ forbids not merely the slavery heretofore known to our laws, but all kinds of involuntary servitude not imposed in punishment for a public offence.”

The provisions of the Fifth, Sixth and Thirteenth Amendments of the Constitution apply as well to Chinese persons who are aliens as to American citizens.

The term “ person,” used in the Fifth Amendment, is broad enough to include any'and every human being within the jurisdiction of the republic. A resident, alien born, is entitled to the same protection under the laws that a citizen is entitled to. He owes obedience to the laws of the country in which he is domiciled, and, as a consequence, he is entitled to the equal protection of those laws.

This has been decided so often that the point does not require argument. Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356, 369; Ho Ah Kow v. Numan, 5 Sawyer, 552; Carlisle v. United States, 16 Wall. 147; In re Lee Tong, 18 Fed. Rep. 253; In re Wong Yung Quy, 6 Sawyer, 237; In re Chow Goo Pooi, 25 Fed. Rep. 77.

The contention that persons within the territorial jurisdic*243tion of this republic might be beyond the protection of the law was heard with pain on the argument at the bar — in face of the great constitutional amendment which declares that no State shall deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. Far nobler was the boast of the great French Cardinal who exercised power in the public affairs of France for years, that never in all his time did he deny justice to any one. “ For fifteen years,” such were his words, “ while in these hands dwelt empire, the humblest craftsman, the obscurest vassal, the very leper shrinking from the sun, though loathed by charity, might ask for justice.”

It is to be hoped that the poor Chinamen, now before us seeking relief from cruel oppression, will not find their appeal to our republican institutions and laws a vain and idle proceeding.

But whilst remarking upon and denouncing in the strongest language every form of cruelty and barbarity in the legislation or proceedings adopted for the expulsion or exclusion of Chinese from the country, who do not enter by the permission of the Government, in order to avoid a misconception of its authorized action in that respect the declarations of the court with regard to the aliens named as to their entrance and as to the time and manner of their departure are adopted.

And the statement of the court in the present case that the United States can, as a matter of public policy, by Congressional legislation, forbid aliens or classes of aliens from their territory, and can, in order to make effectual such legislation for their exclusion or expulsion, devolve the power and duty of identifying and arresting them, and causing their deportation upon executive or subordinate officials, is accepted as sound.

And the further views announced by the court that when Congress sees fit to promote such a policy by subjecting the persons of such aliens to infamous punishment at hard labor, or by confiscating their property, such legislation to be valid must provide for an arrest and trial to establish the guilt of the accused, are also accepted and adopted. “ It is not consistent,” as truly said by the court, K with the theory of our government that the legislature should after having defined an *244offence as an infamous crime provide that the fact of infamy shall be established by one of its own agents.”

Me. Justice Beewee took no part in the decision of this case.