2 Part II: Interpretive Theories & Methods: Legal Canons of Construction 2 Part II: Interpretive Theories & Methods: Legal Canons of Construction
2.1 WEEK 4: Textual Canons: Ordinary Meaning and Other Canons + LCL 2.1 WEEK 4: Textual Canons: Ordinary Meaning and Other Canons + LCL
2.1.1 Facebook v. Duguid 2.1.1 Facebook v. Duguid
Opinion [Link]
Argument [Link]
NOTE: Where it is feasible, a syllabus (headnote) will be released, as is being done in connection with this case, at the time the opinion is issued. The syllabus constitutes no part of the opinion of the Court but has been prepared by the Reporter of Decisions for the convenience of the reader. See United States v. Detroit Timber & Lumber Co., 200 U.S. 321, 337.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
Syllabus
Facebook, Inc. v. Duguid et al.
certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the ninth circuit
No. 19–511. Argued December 8, 2020—Decided April 1, 2021
The Telephone Consumer Protection Act of 1991 (TCPA) proscribes abusive telemarketing practices by, among other things, restricting certain communications made with an “automatic telephone dialing system.” The TCPA defines such “autodialers” as equipment with the capacity both “to store or produce telephone numbers to be called, using a random or sequential number generator,” and to dial those numbers. 47 U. S. C. §227(a)(1). Petitioner Facebook, Inc., maintains a social media platform that, as a security feature, allows users to elect to receive text messages when someone attempts to log in to the user’s account from a new device or browser. Facebook sent such texts to Noah Duguid, alerting him to login activity on a Facebook account linked to his telephone number, but Duguid never created that account (or any account on Facebook). Duguid tried without success to stop the unwanted messages, and eventually brought a putative class action against Facebook. He alleged that Facebook violated the TCPA by maintaining a database that stored phone numbers and programming its equipment to send automated text messages. Facebook countered that the TCPA does not apply because the technology it used to text Duguid did not use a “random or sequential number generator.” The Ninth Circuit disagreed, holding that §227(a)(1) applies to a notification system like Facebook’s that has the capacity to dial automatically stored numbers.
Held: To qualify as an “automatic telephone dialing system” under the TCPA, a device must have the capacity either to store a telephone number using a random or sequential number generator, or to produce a telephone number using a random or sequential number generator. Pp. 4–12.
(a) This case turns on whether the clause “using a random or sequential number generator” in §227(a)(1)(A) modifies both of the two verbs that precede it (“store” and “produce”), as Facebook contends, or only the closest one (“produce”), as maintained by Duguid. The most natural reading of the text and other aspects of §227(a)(1)(A) confirm Facebook’s view. First, in an ordinary case, the “series-qualifier canon” instructs that a modifier at the end of a series of nouns or verbs applies to the entire series. Here, that canon indicates that the modifying phrase “using a random or sequential number generator” qualifies both antecedent verbs, “store” and “produce.” Second, the modifying phrase immediately follows a concise, integrated clause (“store or produce telephone numbers to be called”), which uses the word “or” to connect two verbs that share a common direct object (“telephone numbers to be called”). Given this structure, it would be odd to apply the modifier to just one part of the cohesive clause. Third, the comma in §227(a)(1)(A) separating the modifying phrase from the antecedents suggests that the qualifier applies to all of the antecedents, instead of just the nearest one. Pp. 4–6.
Duguid’s insistence that a limiting clause should ordinarily be read as modifying only the phrase that it immediately follows (the so-called “rule of the last antecedent”) does not help his cause for two reasons. First, the Court has declined to apply that rule in the specific context where, as here, the modifying clause appears after an integrated list. Jama v. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, 543 U.S. 335, 344, n. 4. Second, the last antecedent before the clause at issue in §227(a)(1)(A) is not “produce,” as Duguid argues, but rather “telephone numbers to be called.” Pp. 6–7.
(b) The statutory context confirms that the TCPA’s autodialer definition excludes equipment that does not use a random or sequential number generator. Congress found autodialer technology harmful because autodialers can dial emergency lines randomly or tie up all of the sequentially numbered phone lines at a single entity. Facebook’s interpretation of §227(a)(1)(A) better matches the scope of the TCPA to these specific concerns. Duguid’s interpretation, on the other hand, would encompass any equipment that stores and dials telephone numbers. Pp. 7–8.
(c) Duguid’s other counterarguments do not overcome the clear commands of the statute’s text and broader context. First, he claims that his interpretation best accords with the “sense” of the text. It would make little sense however, to classify as autodialers all equipment with the capacity to store and dial telephone numbers, including virtually all modern cell phones. Second, Duguid invokes the “distributive canon,” which provides that a series of antecedents and consequents should be distributed to one another based on how they most naturally relate in context. But that canon is less suited here because there is only one consequent to match to two antecedents, and in any event, the modifying phrase naturally relates to both antecedents. Third, Duguid broadly construes the TCPA’s privacy-protection goals. But despite Congress’ general concern about intrusive telemarketing practices, Congress ultimately chose a precise autodialer definition. Finally, Duguid argues that a random or sequential number generator is a “senescent technology,” i.e., one likely to become outdated quickly. That may or may not be the case, but either way, this Court cannot rewrite the TCPA to update it for modern technology. Congress’ chosen definition of an autodialer requires that the equipment in question must use a random or sequential number generator. That definition excludes equipment like Facebook’s login notification system, which does not use such technology. Pp. 8–11.
926 F.3d 1146, reversed and remanded.
Sotomayor, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which Roberts, C. J., and Thomas, Breyer, Kagan, Gorsuch, Kavanaugh, and Barrett, JJ., joined. Alito, J., filed an opinion concurring in the judgment.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
No. 19–511
_________________
FACEBOOK, INC., PETITIONER v. NOAH DUGUID, et al.
on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the ninth circuit
[April 1, 2021]
Justice Sotomayor delivered the opinion of the Court.
The Telephone Consumer Protection Act of 1991 (TCPA) proscribes abusive telemarketing practices by, among other things, imposing restrictions on making calls with an “automatic telephone dialing system.” As defined by the TCPA, an “automatic telephone dialing system” is a piece of equipment with the capacity both “to store or produce telephone numbers to be called, using a random or sequential number generator,” and to dial those numbers. 47 U. S. C. §227(a)(1). The question before the Court is whether that definition encompasses equipment that can “store” and dial telephone numbers, even if the device does not “us[e] a random or sequential number generator.” It does not. To qualify as an “automatic telephone dialing system,” a device must have the capacity either to store a telephone number using a random or sequential generator or to produce a telephone number using a random or sequential number generator.
I
A
In 1991, Congress passed the TCPA to address “the proliferation of intrusive, nuisance calls” to consumers and businesses from telemarketers. §2, ¶¶1, 6, 105Stat. 2394, note following 47 U. S. C. §227. Advances in automated technology made it feasible for companies to execute large-scale telemarketing campaigns at a fraction of the prior cost, dramatically increasing customer contacts. Infamously, the development of “robocall” technology allowed companies to make calls using artificial or prerecorded voices, obviating the need for live human callers altogether.
This case concerns “automatic telephone dialing systems” (hereinafter autodialers), which revolutionized telemarketing by allowing companies to dial random or sequential blocks of telephone numbers automatically. Congress found autodialer technology to be uniquely harmful. It threatened public safety by “seizing the telephone lines of public emergency services, dangerously preventing those lines from being utilized to receive calls from those needing emergency services.” H. R. Rep. No. 102–317, p. 24 (1991). Indeed, due to the sequential manner in which they could generate numbers, autodialers could simultaneously tie up all the lines of any business with sequentially numbered phone lines. Nor were individual consumers spared: Autodialers could reach cell phones, pagers, and unlisted numbers, inconveniencing consumers and imposing unwanted fees.[1] Ibid.
Against this technological backdrop, Congress made it unlawful to make certain calls “using any automatic telephone dialing system” to “emergency telephone line[s],” to “guest room[s] or patient room[s] of a hospital,” or “to any telephone number assigned to a paging service [or] cellular telephone service” without the “prior express consent of the called party.” 47 U. S. C. §227(b)(1)(A).[2] The TCPA creates a private right of action for persons to sue to enjoin unlawful uses of autodialers and to recover up to $1,500 per violation or three times the plaintiffs’ actual monetary losses. §227(b)(3).
B
Petitioner Facebook, Inc., maintains a social media platform with an optional security feature that sends users “login notification” text messages when an attempt is made to access their Facebook account from an unknown device or browser. If necessary, the user can then log into Facebook and take action to secure the account. To opt in to this service, the user must provide and verify a cell phone number to which Facebook can send messages.
In 2014, respondent Noah Duguid received several login-notification text messages from Facebook, alerting him that someone had attempted to access the Facebook account associated with his phone number from an unknown browser. But Duguid has never had a Facebook account and never gave Facebook his phone number.[3] Unable to stop the notifications, Duguid brought a putative class action against Facebook. He alleged that Facebook violated the TCPA by maintaining a database that stored phone numbers and programming its equipment to send automated text messages to those numbers each time the associated account was accessed by an unrecognized device or web browser.
Facebook moved to dismiss the suit, arguing primarily that Duguid failed to allege that Facebook used an autodialer because he did not claim Facebook sent text messages to numbers that were randomly or sequentially generated. Rather, Facebook argued, Duguid alleged that Facebook sent targeted, individualized texts to numbers linked to specific accounts. The U. S. District Court for the Northern District of California agreed and dismissed Duguid’s amended complaint with prejudice. 2017 WL 635117, *4–*5 (Feb. 16, 2017).
The United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit reversed. As relevant here, the Ninth Circuit held that Duguid had stated a claim under the TCPA by alleging that Facebook’s notification system automatically dialed stored numbers. An autodialer, the Court of Appeals held, need not be able to use a random or sequential generator to store numbers; it need only have the capacity to “ ‘store numbers to be called’ ” and “ ‘to dial such numbers automatically.’ ” 926 F.3d 1146, 1151 (2019) (quoting Marks v. Crunch San Diego, LLC, 904 F.3d 1041, 1053 (CA9 2018)).
We granted certiorari to resolve a conflict among the Courts of Appeals regarding whether an autodialer must have the capacity to generate random or sequential phone numbers.[4] 591 U. S. ___ (2020). We now reverse the Ninth Circuit’s judgment.
II
Section 227(a)(1) defines an autodialer as:
“equipment which has the capacity—
“(A) to store or produce telephone numbers to be called, using a random or sequential number generator; and
“(B) to dial such numbers.”
Facebook argues the clause “using a random or sequential number generator” modifies both verbs that precede it (“store” and “produce”), while Duguid contends it modifies only the closest one (“produce”). We conclude that the clause modifies both, specifying how the equipment must either “store” or “produce” telephone numbers. Because Facebook’s notification system neither stores nor produces numbers “using a random or sequential number generator,” it is not an autodialer.
A
We begin with the text. Congress defined an autodialer in terms of what it must do (“store or produce telephone numbers to be called”) and how it must do it (“using a random or sequential number generator”). The definition uses a familiar structure: a list of verbs followed by a modifying clause. Under conventional rules of grammar, “[w]hen there is a straightforward, parallel construction that involves all nouns or verbs in a series,” a modifier at the end of the list “normally applies to the entire series.” A. Scalia & B. Garner, Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal Texts 147 (2012) (Scalia & Garner) (quotation modified). The Court often applies this interpretative rule, usually referred to as the “series-qualifier canon.” See Paroline v. United States, 572 U.S. 434, 447 (2014) (citing Porto Rico Railway, Light & Power Co. v. Mor, 253 U.S. 345, 348 (1920)); see also United States v. Bass, 404 U.S. 336, 339–340 (1971). This canon generally reflects the most natural reading of a sentence. Imagine if a teacher announced that “students must not complete or check any homework to be turned in for a grade, using online homework-help websites.” It would be strange to read that rule as prohibiting students from completing homework altogether, with or without online support.
Here, the series-qualifier canon recommends qualifying both antecedent verbs, “store” and “produce,” with the phrase “using a random or sequential number generator.” That recommendation produces the most natural construction, as confirmed by other aspects of §227(a)(1)(A)’s text.
To begin, the modifier at issue immediately follows a concise, integrated clause: “store or produce telephone numbers to be called.” See Cyan, Inc. v. Beaver County Employees Retirement Fund, 583 U. S. ___, ___–___ (2018) (slip op., at 21–22). The clause “hangs together as a unified whole,” id., at ___ (slip op., at 21), using the word “or” to connect two verbs that share a common direct object, “telephone numbers to be called.” It would be odd to apply the modifier (“using a random or sequential number generator”) to only a portion of this cohesive preceding clause.
This interpretation of §227(a)(1)(A) also “heed[s] the commands of its punctuation.” United States Nat. Bank of Ore. v. Independent Ins. Agents of America, Inc., 508 U.S. 439, 454 (1993). Recall that the phrase “using a random or sequential number generator” follows a comma placed after the phrase “store or produce telephone numbers to be called.” As several leading treatises explain, “ ‘[a] qualifying phrase separated from antecedents by a comma is evidence that the qualifier is supposed to apply to all the antecedents instead of only to the immediately preceding one.’ ” W. Eskridge, Interpreting Law: A Primer on How To Read Statutes and the Constitution 67–68 (2016); see also 2A N. Singer & S. Singer, Sutherland Statutes and Statutory Construction §47:33, pp. 499–500 (rev. 7th ed. 2014); Scalia & Garner 161–162. The comma in §227(a)(1)(A) thus further suggests that Congress intended the phrase “using a random or sequential number generator” to apply equally to both preceding elements.
Contrary to Duguid’s view, this interpretation does not conflict with the so-called “rule of the last antecedent.” Under that rule, “a limiting clause or phrase . . . should ordinarily be read as modifying only the noun or phrase that it immediately follows.” Barnhart v. Thomas, 540 U.S. 20, 26 (2003); see also Lockhart v. United States, 577 U.S. 347, 351 (2016). The rule of the last antecedent is context dependent. This Court has declined to apply the rule where, like here, the modifying clause appears after an integrated list. See Jama v. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, 543 U.S. 335, 344, n. 4 (2005) (collecting cases). Moreover, even if the rule of the last antecedent were relevant here, it would provide no help to Duguid. The last antecedent before “using a random or sequential number generator” is not “produce,” as Duguid needs it to be, but rather “telephone numbers to be called.” There is “no grammatical basis,” Cyan, 583 U. S., at ___ (slip op., at 22), for arbitrarily stretching the modifier back to include “produce,” but not so far back as to include “store.”
In sum, Congress’ definition of an autodialer requires that in all cases, whether storing or producing numbers to be called, the equipment in question must use a random or sequential number generator. This definition excludes equipment like Facebook’s login notification system, which does not use such technology.[5]
B
The statutory context confirms that the autodialer definition excludes equipment that does not “us[e] a random or sequential number generator.” 47 U. S. C. §227(a)(1)(A). Consider the TCPA’s restrictions on the use of autodialers. As previously noted, §227(b)(1) makes it unlawful to use an autodialer to call certain “emergency telephone line[s]” and lines “for which the called party is charged for the call.” §227(b)(1)(A). It also makes it unlawful to use an autodialer “in such a way that two or more telephone lines of a multiline business are engaged simultaneously.” §227(b)(1)(D). These prohibitions target a unique type of telemarketing equipment that risks dialing emergency lines randomly or tying up all the sequentially numbered lines at a single entity.
Expanding the definition of an autodialer to encompass any equipment that merely stores and dials telephone numbers would take a chainsaw to these nuanced problems when Congress meant to use a scalpel. Duguid’s interpretation of an autodialer would capture virtually all modern cell phones, which have the capacity to “store . . . telephone numbers to be called” and “dial such numbers.” §227(a)(1). The TCPA’s liability provisions, then, could affect ordinary cell phone owners in the course of commonplace usage, such as speed dialing or sending automated text message responses. See §227(b)(3) (authorizing a $500 fine per violation, increased to $1,500 if the sender acted “willfully” or “knowingly”).[6]
III
Duguid’s counterarguments cannot overcome the clear commands of §227(a)(1)(A)’s text and the statutory context. The crux of Duguid’s argument is that the autodialer definition calls for a construction that accords with the “sense” of the text. Brief for Respondents 11, and n. 3. It makes the most “sense,” Duguid insists, to apply the phrase “using a random or sequential number generator” to modify only “produce,” which, unlike the verb “store,” is closely connected to the noun “generator.” Dictionary definitions of “generator,” for instance, regularly include the word “produce,” which carries a very different meaning than “store.” Duguid also claims that, at the time of the TCPA’s enactment, the technical meaning of a “random number generator” invoked ways of producing numbers, not means of storing them.
Perhaps Duguid’s interpretive approach would have some appeal if applying the traditional tools of interpretation led to a “linguistically impossible” or contextually implausible outcome. Encino Motorcars, LLC v. Navarro, 584 U. S. ___, ___ (2018) (slip op., at 8); see also Advocate Health Care Network v. Stapleton, 581 U. S. ___, ___ (2017) (slip op., at 11) (noting that a “sense of inconceivability” might “urg[e] readers to discard usual rules of interpreting text”). Duguid makes a valiant effort to prove as much, but ultimately comes up short. It is true that, as a matter of ordinary parlance, it is odd to say that a piece of equipment “stores” numbers using a random number “generator.” But it is less odd as a technical matter. Indeed, as early as 1988, the U. S. Patent and Trademark Office issued patents for devices that used a random number generator to store numbers to be called later (as opposed to using a number generator for immediate dialing).[7] Brief for Professional Association for Customer Engagement et al. as Amici Curiae 15–21. At any rate, Duguid’s interpretation is contrary to the ordinary reading of the text and, by classifying almost all modern cell phones as autodialers, would produce an outcome that makes even less sense.
Duguid’s reliance on the distributive canon fails for similar reasons. That canon provides that “[w]here a sentence contains several antecedents and several consequents,” courts should “read them distributively and apply the words to the subjects which, by context, they seem most properly to relate.” 2A Singer, Sutherland Statutes and Statutory Construction §47:26, at 448. Set aside for a moment that the canon’s relevance is highly questionable given there are two antecedents (store and produce) but only one consequent modifier (using a random or sequential number generator). See Encino Motorcars, 584 U. S., at ___ (slip op., at 8) (“[T]he distributive canon has the most force when the statute allows for one-to-one matching”). As just explained, the consequent “using a random or sequential number generator” properly relates to both antecedents.
Duguid next turns to legislative purpose, but he merely gestures at Congress’ “broad privacy-protection goals.” Brief for Respondents 28 (emphasizing that Congress prohibited calls made using an autodialer without “ ‘prior express consent of the called party’ ” (quoting 47 U. S. C. §227(b)(1)(A))). That Congress was broadly concerned about intrusive telemarketing practices, however, does not mean it adopted a broad autodialer definition. Congress expressly found that the use of random or sequential number generator technology caused unique problems for business, emergency, and cellular lines. See supra, at 2. Unsurprisingly, then, the autodialer definition Congress employed includes only devices that use such technology, and the autodialer prohibitions target calls made to such lines. See §227(b)(1)(A).[8] The narrow statutory design, therefore, does not support Duguid’s broad interpretation.
Duguid last warns that accepting Facebook’s interpretation will “unleash” a “torrent of robocalls.” Brief for Respondents 38 (quotation modified). As Duguid sees it, the thrust of congressional action since the TCPA’s enactment has been to restrict nuisance calls. Because technology “adapt[s] to change,” Duguid argues, the TCPA must be treated as an “ ‘agile tool.’ ” Id., at 38, 41. To this end, Duguid asks this Court to focus not on whether a device has the “senescent technology,” id., at 41, of random or sequential number generation but instead on whether it has the “capacity to dial numbers without human intervention,” id., at 39 (internal quotation marks omitted).
To begin with, Duguid greatly overstates the effects of accepting Facebook’s interpretation. The statute separately prohibits calls using “an artificial or prerecorded voice” to various types of phone lines, including home phones and cell phones, unless an exception applies. See 47 U. S. C. §§227(b)(1)(A) and (B). Our decision does not affect that prohibition. In any event, Duguid’s quarrel is with Congress, which did not define an autodialer as malleably as he would have liked. “Senescent” as a number generator (and perhaps the TCPA itself ) may be, that is no justification for eschewing the best reading of §227(a)(1)(A). This Court must interpret what Congress wrote, which is that “using a random or sequential number generator” modifies both “store” and “produce.”
* * *
We hold that a necessary feature of an autodialer under §227(a)(1)(A) is the capacity to use a random or sequential number generator to either store or produce phone numbers to be called. The judgment of the Court of Appeals is reversed, and the case is remanded for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.
It is so ordered.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
No. 19–511
_________________
FACEBOOK, INC., PETITIONER v. NOAH DUGUID, et al.
on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the ninth circuit
[April 1, 2021]
Justice Alito, concurring in the judgment.
I agree with the Court that an “automatic telephone dialing system,” as defined in the Telephone Consumer Protection Act of 1991, must have the capacity to “store . . . telephone numbers” by “using a random or sequential number generator.” 47 U. S. C. §227(a)(1)(A). I also agree with much of the Court’s analysis and the analysis in several Court of Appeals decisions on this question. See Gadelhak v. AT&T Servs., Inc., 950 F.3d 458, 463–468 (CA7 2020); Glasser v. Hilton Grand Vacations Co., 948 F.3d 1301, 1306–1312 (CA11 2020).
I write separately to address the Court’s heavy reliance on one of the canons of interpretation that have come to play a prominent role in our statutory interpretation cases. Cataloged in a treatise written by our former colleague Antonin Scalia and Bryan A. Garner, counsel for respondents in this case, these canons are useful tools, but it is important to keep their limitations in mind. This may be especially true with respect to the particular canon at issue here, the “series-qualifier” canon.
According to the majority’s recitation of this canon, “ ‘[w]hen there is a straightforward, parallel construction that involves all nouns or verbs in a series,’ a modifier at the end of the list ‘normally applies to the entire series.’ ” Ante, at 5 (quoting A. Scalia & B. Garner, Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal Texts 147 (2012) (Reading Law)).[1]*
The Court refers to this canon as a “rul[e] of grammar.” Ante, at 5. Yet the Scalia-Garner treatise makes it clear that interpretive canons “are not ‘rules’ of interpretation in any strict sense but presumptions about what an intelligently produced text conveys.” Reading Law 51. (Even grammar, according to Mr. Garner, is ordinarily just “an attempt to describe the English language as it is actually used.” B. Garner, The Chicago Guide to Grammar, Usage, and Punctuation 1 (2016)). And Reading Law goes out of its way to emphasize the limitations of the series-qualifier canon, warning:
“Perhaps more than most of the other canons, [the series-qualifier canon] is highly sensitive to context. Often the sense of the matter prevails: He went forth and wept bitterly does not suggest that he went forth bitterly.” Reading Law 150.
The italicized sentence—an English translation of a sentence in the New Testament, Matthew 26:75—is not only grammatical; it is perfectly clear. No one familiar with the English language would fail to understand it—even though its meaning is contrary to the one suggested by the series-qualifier canon.
The Court writes that the series-qualifier canon “generally reflects the most natural reading of a sentence,” ante, at 5, and maybe that is so. But cf. Lockhart v. United States, 577 U.S. 347, 351 (2016) (relying on “the basic intuition that when a modifier appears at the end of a list, it is easier to apply that modifier only to the item directly before it”). But it is very easy to think of sentences that clearly go against the canon:
“At the Super Bowl party, she ate, drank, and cheered raucously.”
“On Saturday, he relaxes and exercises vigorously.”
“When his owner comes home, the dog wags his tail and barks loudly.”
“It is illegal to hunt rhinos and giraffes with necks longer than three feet.”
“She likes to swim and run wearing track spikes.”
In support of its treatment of the series-qualifier canon, the Court offers this example of a sentence in which the natural reading corresponds with the interpretation suggested by the canon: “[S]tudents must not complete or check any homework to be turned in for a grade, using online homework-help websites.” Ante, at 5. I certainly agree that the adverbial phrase in this sentence (“using online homework-help websites”) modifies both of the verbs it follows (“complete” and “check”) and not just the latter. But that understanding has little to do with syntax and everything to do with our common understanding that teachers do not want to prohibit students from doing homework. We can see this point clearly if we retain the same syntax but replace the verb “complete” with any number of other verbs that describe something a teacher is not likely to want students to do, say, “ignore,” “overlook,” “discard,” “lose,” “neglect,” “forget,” “destroy,” “throw away,” or “incinerate” their homework. The concept of “using online homework-help websites” to do any of those things would be nonsensical, and no reader would interpret the sentence to have that meaning—even though that is what the series-qualifier canon suggests.
The strength and validity of an interpretive canon is an empirical question, and perhaps someday it will be possible to evaluate these canons by conducting what is called a corpus linguistics analysis, that is, an analysis of how particular combinations of words are used in a vast database of English prose. See generally Lee & Mouritsen, Judging Ordinary Meaning, 127 Yale L. J. 788 (2018). If the series-qualifier canon were analyzed in this way, I suspect we would find that series qualifiers sometimes modify all the nouns or verbs in a list and sometimes modify just the last noun or verb. It would be interesting to see if the percentage of sentences in the first category is high enough to justify the canon. But no matter how the sentences with the relevant structure broke down, it would be surprising if “the sense of the matter” did not readily reveal the meaning in the great majority of cases. Reading Law 150.
That is just my guess. Empirical evidence might prove me wrong, but that is not what matters. The important point is that interpretive canons attempt to identify the way in which “a reasonable reader, fully competent in the language, would have understood the text at the time it was issued.” Id., at 33. To the extent that interpretive canons accurately describe how the English language is generally used, they are useful tools. But they are not inflexible rules.
Appellate judges spend virtually every working hour speaking, listening to, reading, or writing English prose. Statutes are written in English prose, and interpretation is not a technical exercise to be carried out by mechanically applying a set of arcane rules. Canons of interpretation can help in figuring out the meaning of troublesome statutory language, but if they are treated like rigid rules, they can lead us astray. When this Court describes canons as rules or quotes canons while omitting their caveats and limitations, we only encourage the lower courts to relegate statutory interpretation to a series of if-then computations. No reasonable reader interprets texts that way.
For these reasons, I respectfully concur in the judgment.
2.1.2. Telephone and Consumer Protection Act of 1991 - 47 U.S.C. § 227
2.1.3 Required Readings 2.1.3 Required Readings
2.1.3.1. Anita S. Krishnakumar, Dueling Canons, 65 DUKE L. J. 909–1006 (2015)
2.1.3.2. BYU Law & Corpus Linguistics
2.1.3.3. Kevin Tobia, Brian G. Slocum, Victoria Nourse, Statutory Interpretation from the Outside, COLUM. L. REV. *1–66 (forthcoming 2022)
Hosted on SSRN. Account is not needed to view readings. Choose option to view as PDF in Browser and "Download without Registration" on the right side of the page.
2.1.4 List of Canons 2.1.4 List of Canons
2.1.4.1. Karl Llewellyn, Appendix, in Remarks on … Canons About How Statutes Are to Be Construed, 3 VAND. L. REV. 395 (1949–1950)
2.1.4.2. Antonin Scalia and Bryan Garner, Introduction/Table of Contents [List of Canons], from READING LAW: THE INTERPRETATION OF LEGAL TEXTS (Westlaw 2012)
2.1.4.3. William N. Eskridge, Jr., Appendix, in INTERPRETING LAW: A PRIMER ON HOW TO READ STATUTES AND THE CONSTITUTION (Foundation 2016)
2.2 WEEK 5: Substantive Canons: Rule of Lenity 2.2 WEEK 5: Substantive Canons: Rule of Lenity
2.2.1. Wooden v. United States - SCOTUSblog
2.2.2. Armed Career Criminal Act of 1984, 18 U.S.C. § 924(e)(2)(B)(ii) ("violent felony")
2.2.3 Required Readings 2.2.3 Required Readings
2.2.3.1. Dan Kahan, Lenity and Federal Common Law, 1994 SUP. CT. L. REV. 347 (1994)
The link below will take you to to an online database in the Harvard Library systems. Use "Harvard Law School" and your Harvard Key credentials to access.
2.2.3.2. Nina A. Mendelson, Change, Creation, and Unpredictability in Statutory Interpretation: Interpretive Canon Use in the Roberts Court's First Decade, 117 MICH. L. REV. 71–142 (2018)
2.3 WEEK 6: Extrinsic Source Canons: Agency Deference 2.3 WEEK 6: Extrinsic Source Canons: Agency Deference
2.3.1 Gundy v. United States 2.3.1 Gundy v. United States
Opinion [Link]
Argument [Link]
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
Syllabus
Gundy v. United States
certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the second circuit
No. 17–6086. Argued October 2, 2018—Decided June 20, 2019
Congress has sought, for the past quarter century, to combat sex crimes and crimes against children through sex-offender registration schemes. The Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act (SORNA) makes more “uniform and effective” the prior “patchwork” of reg- istration systems. Reynolds v. United States, 565 U.S. 432, 435. To that end, it requires a broader range of sex offenders to register and backs up those requirements with criminal penalties. Section 20913 elaborates the “[i]nitial registration” requirements for sex offenders. 34 U. S. C. §§20913(b), (d). Subsection (b) sets out the general rule: An offender must register “before completing a sentence of imprisonment with respect to the offense giving rise to the registration requirement.” §20913(b). Subsection (d) addresses the “[i]nitial registration of sex offenders unable to comply with subsection (b).” The provision states that, for individuals convicted of a sex offense before SORNA’s enactment (“pre-Act offenders”), the Attorney General “shall have the authority” to “specify the applicability” of SORNA’s registration requirements and “to prescribe rules for [their] registration.” §20913(d). Under that delegated authority, the Attorney General issued a rule specifying that SORNA’s registration requirements apply in full to pre-Act offenders. Petitioner Herman Gundy, a pre-Act offender, was convicted of failing to register. Both the District Court and the Second Circuit rejected his claim that Congress unconstitutionally delegated legislative power when it authorized the Attorney General to “specify the applicability” of SORNA’s registration requirements to pre-Act offenders.
Held: The judgment is affirmed.
695 Fed. Appx. 639, affirmed.
Justice Kagan, joined by Justice Ginsburg, Justice Breyer, and Justice Sotomayor, concluded that §20913(d) does not violate the nondelegation doctrine. Pp. 4–18.
(a) Article I of the Constitution provides that “[a]ll legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States.” §1. Based on that provision, this Court explained early on that Congress may not transfer to another branch “powers which are strictly and exclusively legislative.” Wayman v. Southard, 10 Wheat. 1, 42–43. But Congress may confer substantial discretion on executive agencies to implement and enforce the laws. Accordingly, the Court has held, time and time again, that a statutory delegation is constitutional as long as Congress “ ‘lay[s] down by legislative act an intelligible principle to which the person or body authorized to [exercise that authority] is directed to conform.’ ” Mistretta v. United States, 488 U.S. 361, 372. Given that standard, a nondelegation inquiry always begins (and often almost ends) with statutory interpretation. Only after a court has determined a challenged statute’s meaning can it decide whether the law sufficiently guides executive discretion to accord with Article I. Pp. 4–6.
(b) This Court has already interpreted §20913(d) to require the Attorney General to apply SORNA to all pre-Act offenders as soon as feasible. In Reynolds v. United States, 565 U.S. 432, the Court held that SORNA’s registration requirements did not apply of their own force to pre-Act offenders. But in doing so, it made clear how far SORNA limited the Attorney General’s authority and thereby effectively resolved this case. The Court started from the premise that Congress meant for SORNA’s registration requirements to apply to pre-Act offenders, based on the Act’s statutory purpose, its definition of sex offender, and its history. But the Court found that Congress had conditioned pre-Act offenders’ duty to register on a prior ruling from the Attorney General because “instantaneous registration” of pre-Act offenders “might not prove feasible.” Id., at 440–441. SORNA, the majority explained, created a “practical problem[ ]” because it would require “newly registering or reregistering a large number of pre-Act offenders.” Id., at 440. In addition, many pre-Act offenders were already out of prison and could not comply with the requirement that they register before completing their sentences. Congress therefore “[a]sk[ed] the Department of Justice, charged with responsibility for implementation, to examine [the issues] and to apply the new registration requirements accordingly.” Id., at 441. On that understanding, the Attorney General’s role under §20913(d) was important but limited: It was to apply SORNA to pre-Act offenders as soon as he thought it feasible to do so. Pp. 6–10.
(c) Gundy claims that §20913(d) empowers the Attorney General to do whatever he wants as to pre-Act offenders, including exempting them from registration forever. He bases that argument on the first half of §20913(d), isolated from everything else. But this Court has long refused to construe words “in a vacuum,” as Gundy attempts. Davis v. Michigan Dept. of Treasury, 489 U.S. 803, 809. Rather, the Court interprets statutory provisions—including delegations—by reading the text in “context” and in light of the statutory “purpose.” National Broadcasting Co. v. United States, 319 U.S. 190, 214, 216. Applying that approach here, it is clear that §20913(d) requires the Attorney General to register pre-Act offenders as soon as feasible. In SORNA’s statement of purpose, Congress announced that “to protect the public,” it was “establish[ing] a comprehensive national system for the registration” of “sex offenders.” §20901. The term “comprehensive” means “all-encompassing” or “sweeping.” That description could not fit the system SORNA created if the Attorney General could decline, for any reason or no reason at all, to apply SORNA to all pre-Act offenders. The Act’s definition of “sex offender” makes the same point. Under that definition, a “sex offender” is “an individual who was convicted of a sex offense.” §20911(1). Congress’s use of the past tense shows that SORNA was not merely forward-looking and confirms that the delegation allows only temporary exclusions. The Act’s legislative history backs that all up, by showing that the need to register pre-Act offenders was front and center in Congress’s thinking. The text and title of §20913(d) then pinpoint one of the practical problems discussed above: At the moment of SORNA’s enactment, many pre-Act offenders were “unable to comply” with the Act’s initial registration requirements. §20913(d). In identifying that issue, §20913(d) itself reveals the nature of the delegation to the Attorney General. It was to give him the time needed (if any) to address the various implementation issues involved in getting pre-Act offenders into the registration system. Thus, contrary to Gundy, “specify the applicability” does not mean “specify whether to apply SORNA” to pre-Act offenders at all. The phrase instead means “specify how to apply SORNA” to pre-Act offenders if transitional difficulties require some delay. And no Attorney General has used §20913(d) in any more expansive way. Pp. 10–15.
(d) Section 20913(d)’s delegation therefore falls well within constitutional bounds. As noted, a delegation is constitutional so long as Congress sets out an intelligible principle to guide the delegee’s exercise of authority. The standards for that principle are not demanding. See Whitman v. American Trucking Assns., Inc., 531 U.S. 457, 474–475. Only twice in this country’s history has the Court found a delegation excessive, in each case because “Congress had failed to articulate any policy or standard” to confine discretion. Mistretta, 488 U. S., at 373, n. 3; see A. L. A. Schechter Poultry Corp. v. United States, 295 U.S. 495; Panama Refining Co. v. Ryan, 293 U.S. 388. By contrast, the Court has over and over upheld even very broad delegations. See, e.g., National Broadcasting Co. v. United States, 319 U.S. 190. In that context, the delegation in SORNA easily passes muster. The authority §20913(d) confers, as compared to the delegations the Court has upheld in the past, is distinctly small bore. Indeed, if SORNA’s delegation is unconstitutional, then most of Government is unconstitutional—dependent as Congress is on the need to give discretion to executive officials to implement its programs. Pp. 15–18.
Justice Alito concluded that he cannot say that the statute at issue lacks an adequately discernable standard under the nondelegation approach the Court has taken for the past 84 years, but would reconsider that approach in an appropriate case. P. 1.
Kagan, J., announced the judgment of the Court and delivered an opinion, in which Ginsburg, Breyer, and Sotomayor, JJ., joined. Alito, J., filed an opinion concurring in the judgment. Gorsuch, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which Roberts, C. J., and Thomas, J., joined. Kavanaugh, J., took no part in the consideration or decision of the case.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
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No. 17–6086
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HERMAN AVERY GUNDY, PETITIONER v. UNITED STATES
on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the second circuit
[June 20, 2019]
Justice Kagan announced the judgment of the Court and delivered an opinion, in which Justice Ginsburg, Justice Breyer, and Justice Sotomayor join.
The nondelegation doctrine bars Congress from transferring its legislative power to another branch of Government. This case requires us to decide whether 34 U. S. C. §20913(d), enacted as part of the Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act (SORNA), violates that doctrine. We hold it does not. Under §20913(d), the Attorney General must apply SORNA’s registration requirements as soon as feasible to offenders convicted before the statute’s enactment. That delegation easily passes constitutional muster.
I
Congress has sought, for the past quarter century, to combat sex crimes and crimes against children through sex-offender registration schemes. In 1994, Congress first conditioned certain federal funds on States’ adoption of registration laws meeting prescribed minimum standards. See Jacob Wetterling Crimes Against Children and Sexually Violent Offender Registration Act, §170101, 108 Stat. 2038, 42 U. S. C. §14071 et seq. (1994 ed.). Two years later, Congress strengthened those standards, most notably by insisting that States inform local communities of registrants’ addresses. See Megan’s Law, §2, 110Stat. 1345, note following 42 U. S. C. §13701 (1994 ed., Supp. II). By that time, every State and the District of Columbia had enacted a sex-offender registration law. But the state statutes varied along many dimensions, and Congress came to realize that their “loopholes and deficiencies” had allowed over 100,000 sex offenders (about 20% of the total) to escape registration. See H. R. Rep. No. 109–218, pt. 1, pp. 20, 23–24, 26 (2005) (referring to those sex offenders as “missing” or “lost”). In 2006, to address those failings, Congress enacted SORNA. See 120Stat. 590, 34 U. S. C. §20901 et seq.
SORNA makes “more uniform and effective” the prior “patchwork” of sex-offender registration systems. Reynolds v. United States, 565 U.S. 432, 435 (2012). The Act’s express “purpose” is “to protect the public from sex offenders and offenders against children” by “establish[ing] a comprehensive national system for [their] registration.” §20901. To that end, SORNA covers more sex offenders, and imposes more onerous registration requirements, than most States had before. The Act also backs up those requirements with new criminal penalties. Any person required to register under SORNA who knowingly fails to do so (and who travels in interstate commerce) may be imprisoned for up to ten years. See 18 U. S. C. §2250(a).
The basic registration scheme works as follows. A “sex offender” is defined as “an individual who was convicted of” specified criminal offenses: all offenses “involving a sexual act or sexual contact” and additional offenses “against a minor.” 34 U. S. C. §§20911(1), (5)(A), (7). Such an individual must register—provide his name, address, and certain other information—in every State where he resides, works, or studies. See §§20913(a), 20914. And he must keep the registration current, and periodically report in person to a law enforcement office, for a period of between fifteen years and life (depending on the severity of his crime and his history of recidivism). See §§20915, 20918.
Section 20913—the disputed provision here—elaborates the “[i]nitial registration” requirements for sex offenders. §§20913(b), (d). Subsection (b) sets out the general rule: An offender must register “before completing a sentence of imprisonment with respect to the offense giving rise to the registration requirement” (or, if the offender is not sentenced to prison, “not later than [three] business days after being sentenced”). Two provisions down, subsection (d) addresses (in its title’s words) the “[i]nitial registration of sex offenders unable to comply with subsection (b).” The provision states:
“The Attorney General shall have the authority to specify the applicability of the requirements of this subchapter to sex offenders convicted before the enactment of this chapter . . . and to prescribe rules for the registration of any such sex offenders and for other categories of sex offenders who are unable to comply with subsection (b).”
Subsection (d), in other words, focuses on individuals convicted of a sex offense before SORNA’s enactment—a group we will call pre-Act offenders. Many of these individuals were unregistered at the time of SORNA’s enactment, either because pre-existing law did not cover them or because they had successfully evaded that law (so were “lost” to the system). See supra, at 2. And of those potential new registrants, many or most could not comply with subsection (b)’s registration rule because they had already completed their prison sentences. For the entire group of pre-Act offenders, once again, the Attorney General “shall have the authority” to “specify the applicability” of SORNA’s registration requirements and “to prescribe rules for [their] registration.”
Under that delegated authority, the Attorney General issued an interim rule in February 2007, specifying that SORNA’s registration requirements apply in full to “sex offenders convicted of the offense for which registration is required prior to the enactment of that Act.” 72 Fed. Reg. 8897. The final rule, issued in December 2010, reiterated that SORNA applies to all pre-Act offenders. 75 Fed. Reg. 81850. That rule has remained the same to this day.
Petitioner Herman Gundy is a pre-Act offender. The year before SORNA’s enactment, he pleaded guilty under Maryland law for sexually assaulting a minor. After his release from prison in 2012, Gundy came to live in New York. But he never registered there as a sex offender. A few years later, he was convicted for failing to register, in violation of §2250. He argued below (among other things) that Congress unconstitutionally delegated legislative power when it authorized the Attorney General to “specify the applicability” of SORNA’s registration requirements to pre-Act offenders. §20913(d). The District Court and Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit rejected that claim, see 695 Fed. Appx. 639 (2017), as had every other court (including eleven Courts of Appeals) to consider the issue. We nonetheless granted certiorari. 583 U. S. __ (2018). Today, we join the consensus and affirm.
II
Article I of the Constitution provides that “[a]ll legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States.” §1. Accompanying that assignment of power to Congress is a bar on its further delegation. Congress, this Court explained early on, may not transfer to another branch “powers which are strictly and exclusively legislative.” Wayman v. Southard, 10 Wheat. 1, 42–43 (1825). But the Constitution does not “deny[ ] to the Congress the necessary resources of flexibility and practicality [that enable it] to perform its function[s].” Yakus v. United States, 321 U.S. 414, 425 (1944) (internal quotation marks omitted). Congress may “obtain[ ] the assistance of its coordinate Branches”—and in particular, may confer substantial discretion on executive agencies to implement and enforce the laws. Mistretta v. United States, 488 U.S. 361, 372 (1989). “[I]n our increasingly complex society, replete with ever changing and more technical problems,” this Court has understood that “Congress simply cannot do its job absent an ability to delegate power under broad general directives.” Ibid. So we have held, time and again, that a statutory delegation is constitutional as long as Congress “lay[s] down by legislative act an intelligible principle to which the person or body authorized to [exercise the delegated authority] is directed to conform.” Ibid. (quoting J. W. Hampton, Jr., & Co. v. United States, 276 U.S. 394, 409 (1928); brackets in original).
Given that standard, a nondelegation inquiry always begins (and often almost ends) with statutory interpretation. The constitutional question is whether Congress has supplied an intelligible principle to guide the delegee’s use of discretion. So the answer requires construing the challenged statute to figure out what task it delegates and what instructions it provides. See, e.g., Whitman v. American Trucking Assns., Inc., 531 U.S. 457, 473 (2001) (construing the text of a delegation to place constitutionally adequate “limits on the EPA’s discretion”); American Power & Light Co. v. SEC, 329 U.S. 90, 104–105 (1946) (interpreting a statutory delegation, in light of its “purpose[,] factual background[, and] context,” to provide sufficiently “definite” standards). Only after a court has determined a challenged statute’s meaning can it decide whether the law sufficiently guides executive discretion to accord with Article I. And indeed, once a court interprets the statute, it may find that the constitutional question all but answers itself.
That is the case here, because §20913(d) does not give the Attorney General anything like the “unguided” and “unchecked” authority that Gundy says. Brief for Petitioner 37, 45. The provision, in Gundy’s view, “grants the Attorney General plenary power to determine SORNA’s applicability to pre-Act offenders—to require them to register, or not, as she sees fit, and to change her policy for any reason and at any time.” Id., at 42. If that were so, we would face a nondelegation question. But it is not. This Court has already interpreted §20913(d) to say something different—to require the Attorney General to apply SORNA to all pre-Act offenders as soon as feasible. See Reynolds, 565 U. S., at 442–443. And revisiting that issue yet more fully today, we reach the same conclusion. The text, considered alongside its context, purpose, and history, makes clear that the Attorney General’s discretion extends only to considering and addressing feasibility issues. Given that statutory meaning, Gundy’s constitutional claim must fail. Section 20913(d)’s delegation falls well within permissible bounds.
A
This is not the first time this Court has had to interpret §20913(d). In Reynolds, the Court considered whether SORNA’s registration requirements applied of their own force to pre-Act offenders or instead applied only once the Attorney General said they did. We read the statute as adopting the latter approach. But even as we did so, we made clear how far SORNA limited the Attorney General’s authority. And in that way, we effectively resolved the case now before us.
Everything in Reynolds started from the premise that Congress meant for SORNA’s registration requirements to apply to pre-Act offenders. The majority recounted SORNA’s “basic statutory purpose,” found in its text, as follows: “the ‘establish[ment of] a comprehensive national system for the registration of [sex] offenders’ that includes offenders who committed their offenses before the Act became law.” 565 U. S., at 442 (quoting §20901; emphasis and alterations in original; citation omitted). That purpose, the majority further noted, informed SORNA’s “broad[ ]” definition of “sex offender,” which “include[s] any ‘individual who was convicted of a sex offense.’ ” Id., at 442 (quoting §20911(1); emphasis added). And those two provisions were at one with “[t]he Act’s history.” Id., at 442. Quoting statements from both the House and the Senate about the sex offenders then “lost” to the system, Reynolds explained that the Act’s “supporters placed considerable importance upon the registration of pre-Act offenders.” Ibid. In recognizing all this, the majority (temporarily) bonded with the dissenting Justices, who found it obvious that SORNA was “meant to cover pre-Act offenders.” Id., at 448 (Scalia, J., dissenting). And indeed, the dissent emphasized that common ground, remarking that “the Court acknowledges” and “rightly believes” that registration of pre-Act offenders was “what the statute sought to achieve.” Id., at 448–449.[1]
But if that was so, why had Congress (as the majority held) conditioned the pre-Act offenders’ duty to register on a prior “ruling from the Attorney General”? Id., at 441. The majority had a simple answer: “[I]nstantaneous registration” of pre-Act offenders “might not prove feasible,” or “[a]t least Congress might well have so thought.” Id., at 440–441, 443. Here, the majority explained that SORNA’s requirements diverged from prior state law. See id., at 440; supra, at 2. Some pre-Act offenders (as defined by SORNA) had never needed to register before; others had once had to register, but had fulfilled their old obligations. And still others (the “lost” or “missing” offenders) should have registered, but had escaped the system. As a result, SORNA created a “practical problem[ ]”: It would require “newly registering or reregistering a large number of pre-Act offenders.” Reynolds, 565 U. S., at 440 (internal quotation marks omitted). And attached to that broad feasibility concern was a more technical one. Recall that under SORNA “a sex offender must initially register before completing his ‘sentence of imprisonment.’ ” Id., at 439 (quoting §20913(b)); see supra, at 3. But many pre-Act offenders were already out of prison, so could not comply with that requirement. That inability raised questions about “how[] the new registration requirements applied to them.” 565 U. S., at 441. “Congress[’s] solution” to both those difficulties was the same: Congress “[a]sk[ed] the Department of Justice, charged with responsibility for implementation, to examine [the issues] and to apply the new registration requirements accordingly.” Ibid.
On that understanding, the Attorney General’s role under §20913(d) was important but limited: It was to apply SORNA to pre-Act offenders as soon as he thought it feasible to do so. That statutory delegation, the Court explained, would “involve[] implementation delay.” Id., at 443. But no more than that. Congress had made clear in SORNA’s text that the new registration requirements would apply to pre-Act offenders. See id., at 442–445. So (the Court continued) “there was no need” for Congress to worry about the “unrealistic possibility” that “the Attorney General would refuse to apply” those requirements on some excessively broad view of his authority under §20913(d). Id., at 444–445. Reasonably read, SORNA enabled the Attorney General only to address (as appropriate) the “practical problems” involving pre-Act offenders before requiring them to register. Id., at 440. The delegation was a stopgap, and nothing more.[2]
Gundy dismisses Reynolds’s relevance, but his arguments come up short. To begin, he contends that Rey- nolds spoke “tentative[ly]”—with “might[s], may[s], or could[s]”—about Congress’s reasons for enacting §20913(d). Reply Brief 11; see supra, at 7 (quoting such phrases). Gundy concludes from such constructions—which are indeed present—that the Court was “not offering a definitive reading of the statute.” Reply Brief 11. But the Court used those locutions to convey not its own uncertainty but Congress’s. The point of the opinion was that Congress had questions about how best to phase SORNA’s application to pre-Act offenders, so gave the Attorney General flexibility on timing. The “mights, mays, and coulds” were there to describe the legislative mindset responsible for §20913(d), and thus formed part of the Court’s own—yes, “definitive”—view of that provision’s meaning. Anticipating that explanation, Gundy falls back on the claim that the Court’s account of Congress’s motivations “cannot supply the intelligible principle Congress failed to enact into law.” Id., at 12 (citing Whitman, 531 U. S., at 473). But the Court in Reynolds did not invent a standard Congress omitted. Rather, the Court read the statute to contain a standard—again, that the Attorney General should apply SORNA to pre-Act offenders as soon as feasible. And as the next part of this opinion shows, in somewhat greater detail than Reynolds thought necessary, we read the statute in the same way.
B
Recall again the delegation provision at issue. Congress gave the Attorney General authority to “specify the applicability” of SORNA’s requirements to pre-Act offenders. §20913(d). And in the second half of the same sentence, Congress gave him authority to “prescribe rules for the registration of any such sex offenders . . . who are unable to comply with” subsection (b)’s initial registration requirement. Ibid. What does the delegation in §20913(d) allow the Attorney General to do?
The different answers on offer here reflect competing views of statutory interpretation. As noted above, Gundy urges us to read §20913(d) to empower the Attorney General to do whatever he wants as to pre-Act offenders: He may make them all register immediately or he may exempt them from registration forever (or he may do anything in between). See Brief for Petitioner 41–42; supra, at 6. Gundy bases that argument on the first half of §20913(d), isolated from everything else—from the second half of the same section, from surrounding provisions in SORNA, and from any conception of the statute’s history and purpose. Reynolds took a different approach (as does the Government here), understanding statutory interpretation as a “holistic endeavor” which determines meaning by looking not to isolated words, but to text in context, along with purpose and history. United Sav. Assn. of Tex. v. Timbers of Inwood Forest Associates, Ltd., 484 U.S. 365, 371 (1988).
This Court has long refused to construe words “in a vacuum,” as Gundy attempts. Davis v. Michigan Dept. of Treasury, 489 U.S. 803, 809 (1989). “It is a fundamental canon of statutory construction that the words of a statute must be read in their context and with a view to their place in the overall statutory scheme.” National Assn. of Home Builders v. Defenders of Wildlife, 551 U.S. 644, 666 (2007) (internal quotation marks omitted); see Utility Air Regulatory Group v. EPA, 573 U.S. 302, 321 (2014) (“[R]easonable statutory interpretation must account for both the specific context in which . . . language is used and the broader context of the statute as a whole” (internal quotation marks omitted)). And beyond context and structure, the Court often looks to “history [and] purpose” to divine the meaning of language. Maracich v. Spears, 570 U.S. 48, 76 (2013) (internal quotation marks omitted). That non-blinkered brand of interpretation holds good for delegations, just as for other statutory provisions. To define the scope of delegated authority, we have looked to the text in “context” and in light of the statutory “purpose.” National Broadcasting Co. v. United States, 319 U.S. 190, 214, 216 (1943) (internal quotation marks omitted); see American Power & Light, 329 U. S., at 104 (stating that the delegation at issue “derive[d] much meaningful content from the purpose of the Act, its factual background and the statutory context”). In keeping with that method, we again do so today.
So begin at the beginning, with the “[d]eclaration of purpose” that is SORNA’s first sentence. §20901. There, Congress announced (as Reynolds noted, see supra, at 6–7) that “to protect the public,” it was “establish[ing] a comprehensive national system for the registration” of “sex offenders and offenders against children.” §20901. The term “comprehensive” has a clear meaning—something that is all-encompassing or sweeping. See, e.g., Webster’s Third New International Dictionary 467 (2002) (“covering a matter under consideration completely or nearly completely”); New Oxford American Dictionary 350 (2d ed. 2005) (“complete; including all or nearly all elements or aspects of something”). That description could not fit the system SORNA created if the Attorney General could decline, for any reason or no reason at all, to apply SORNA to all pre-Act offenders. After all, for many years after SORNA’s enactment, the great majority of sex offenders in the country would be pre-Act offenders. If Gundy were right, all of those offenders could be exempt from SORNA’s registration requirements. So the mismatch between SORNA’s statement of purpose and Gundy’s view of §20913(d) is as stark as stark comes. Responding to that patent disparity, Gundy urges us to ignore SORNA’s statement of purpose because it is “located in the Act’s preface” rather than “tied” specifically to §20913(d). Brief for Petitioner 46. But the placement of such a statement within a statute makes no difference. See A. Scalia & B. Garner, Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal Texts 220 (2012). Wherever it resides, it is “an appropriate guide” to the “meaning of the [statute’s] operative provisions.” Id., at 218. And here it makes clear that SORNA was supposed to apply to all pre-Act offenders—which precludes Gundy’s construction of §20913(d).
The Act’s definition of “sex offender” (also noted in Reynolds, see supra, at 7) makes the same point. Under that definition, a “sex offender” is “an individual who was convicted of a sex offense.” §20911(1). Note the tense: “was,” not “is.” This Court has often “looked to Congress’ choice of verb tense to ascertain a statute’s temporal reach,” including when interpreting other SORNA provisions. Carr v. United States, 560 U.S. 438, 447–448 (2010) (holding that because SORNA “sets forth [its] travel requirement in the present tense,” the statute’s criminal penalties do not apply to a person whose interstate travel predated enactment); see, e.g., United States v. Wilson, 503 U.S. 329, 333 (1992); Gwaltney of Smithfield, Ltd. v. Chesapeake Bay Foundation, Inc., 484 U.S. 49, 57 (1987). Here, Congress’s use of the past tense to define the term “sex offender” shows that SORNA was not merely forward-looking. The word “is” would have taken care of all future offenders. The word “was” served to bring in the hundreds of thousands of persons previously found guilty of a sex offense, and thought to pose a current threat to the public. The tense of the “sex offender” definition thus confirms that the delegation allows only temporary exclusions, as necessary to address feasibility issues. Contra Gundy, it does not sweep so wide as to make a laughingstock of the statute’s core definition.
The Act’s legislative history backs up everything said above by showing that the need to register pre-Act offenders was front and center in Congress’s thinking. (Once again, the Reynolds majority noted this history, but Justice Scalia’s dissent thought that was gilding the lily. See supra, at 7, and n. 1. He had a point, but we can’t resist.) Recall that Congress designed SORNA to address “loopholes and deficiencies” in existing registration laws. See supra, at 2. And no problem attracted greater attention than the large number of sex offenders who had slipped the system. According to the House Report, “[t]he most significant enforcement issue in the sex offender program is that over 100,000 sex offenders” are “ ‘missing,’ meaning that they have not complied with” then-current requirements. H. R. Rep. No. 109–218, at 26. There is a “strong public interest,” the Report continued, in “having [those offenders] register with current information to mitigate the risks of additional crimes against children.” Id., at 24. Senators struck a similar chord in the debates preceding SORNA’s passage, repeatedly stressing that the new provisions would capture the missing offenders. See, e.g., 152 Cong. Rec. 15338 (2006) (statement of Sen. Kyl) (“The penalties in this bill should be adequate to ensure that [the 100,000 missing offenders] register”); id., at 13050 (statement of Sen. Frist) (“Every day that we don’t have this national sex offender registry, these missing sex predators are out there somewhere”). Imagine how surprising those Members would have found Gundy’s view that they had authorized the Attorney General to exempt the missing “predators” from registering at all.
With that context and background established, we may return to §20913(d). As we have noted, Gundy makes his stand there (and there only), insisting that the lonesome phrase “specify the applicability” ends this case. See supra, at 10. But in so doing, Gundy ignores even the rest of the section that phrase is in. Both the title and the remaining text of that section pinpoint one of the “practical problems” discussed above: At the moment of SORNA’s enactment, many pre-Act offenders were “unable to comply” with the Act’s initial registration requirements. §20913(d); Reynolds, 565 U. S., at 440; see supra, at 8. That was because, once again, the requirements assumed that offenders would be in prison, whereas many pre-Act offenders were on the streets. In identifying that issue, §20913(d) itself reveals the nature of the delegation to the Attorney General. It was to give him the time needed (if any) to address the various implementation issues involved in getting pre-Act offenders into the registration system. “Specify the applicability” thus does not mean “specify whether to apply SORNA” to pre-Act offenders at all, even though everything else in the Act commands their coverage. The phrase instead means “specify how to apply SORNA” to pre-Act offenders if transitional difficulties require some delay. In that way, the whole of §20913(d) joins the rest of SORNA in giving the Attorney General only time-limited latitude to excuse pre-Act offenders from the statute’s requirements. Under the law, he had to order their registration as soon as feasible.
And no Attorney General has used (or, apparently, thought to use) §20913(d) in any more expansive way. To the contrary. Within a year of SORNA’s enactment (217 days, to be precise), the Attorney General determined that SORNA would apply immediately to pre-Act offenders. See Interim Rule, 72 Fed. Reg. 8897; supra, at 4. That rule has remained in force ever since (save for a technical change to one of the rule’s illustrative examples). See Final Rule, 75 Fed. Reg. 81850.[3] And at oral argument here, the Solicitor General’s office—rarely in a hurry to agree to limits on the Government’s authority—acknowledged that §20913(d) does not allow the Attorney General to excuse a pre-Act offender from registering, except for reasons of “feasibility.” Tr. of Oral Arg. 41–42. We thus end up, on close inspection of the statutory scheme, exactly where Reynolds left us. The Attorney General’s authority goes to transition-period implementation issues, and no further.
C
Now that we have determined what §20913(d) means, we can consider whether it violates the Constitution. The question becomes: Did Congress make an impermissible delegation when it instructed the Attorney General to apply SORNA’s registration requirements to pre-Act offenders as soon as feasible? Under this Court’s long-established law, that question is easy. Its answer is no.
As noted earlier, this Court has held that a delegation is constitutional so long as Congress has set out an “intelligible principle” to guide the delegee’s exercise of authority. J. W. Hampton, Jr., & Co., 276 U. S., at 409; see supra, at 5. Or in a related formulation, the Court has stated that a delegation is permissible if Congress has made clear to the delegee “the general policy” he must pursue and the “boundaries of [his] authority.” American Power & Light, 329 U. S., at 105. Those standards, the Court has made clear, are not demanding. “[W]e have ‘almost never felt qualified to second-guess Congress regarding the permissible degree of policy judgment that can be left to those executing or applying the law.’ ” Whitman, 531 U. S., at 474–475 (quoting Mistretta, 488 U. S., at 416 (Scalia, J., dissenting)). Only twice in this country’s history (and that in a single year) have we found a delegation excessive—in each case because “Congress had failed to articulate any policy or standard” to confine discretion. Mistretta, 488 U. S., at 373, n. 7 (emphasis added); see A. L. A. Schechter Poultry Corp. v. United States, 295 U.S. 495 (1935); Panama Refining Co. v. Ryan, 293 U.S. 388 (1935). By contrast, we have over and over upheld even very broad delegations. Here is a sample: We have approved delegations to various agencies to regulate in the “public interest.” See, e.g., National Broadcasting Co., 319 U. S., at 216; New York Central Securities Corp. v. United States, 287 U.S. 12, 24 (1932). We have sustained authorizations for agencies to set “fair and equitable” prices and “just and reasonable” rates. Yakus, 321 U. S., at 422, 427; FPC v. Hope Natural Gas Co., 320 U.S. 591 (1944). We more recently affirmed a delegation to an agency to issue whatever air quality standards are “requisite to protect the public health.” Whitman, 531 U. S., at 472 (quoting 42 U. S. C. §7409(b)(1)). And so forth.
In that context, the delegation in SORNA easily passes muster (as all eleven circuit courts to have considered the question found, see supra, at 4). The statute conveyed Congress’s policy that the Attorney General require pre-Act offenders to register as soon as feasible. Under the law, the feasibility issues he could address were administrative—and, more specifically, transitional—in nature. Those issues arose, as Reynolds explained, from the need to “newly register[ ] or reregister[ ] ‘a large number’ of pre-Act offenders” not then in the system. 565 U. S., at 440; see supra, at 8. And they arose, more technically, from the gap between an initial registration requirement hinged on imprisonment and a set of pre-Act offenders long since released. See 565 U. S., at 441; see supra, at 8. Even for those limited matters, the Act informed the Attorney General that he did not have forever to work things out. By stating its demand for a “comprehensive” registration system and by defining the “sex offenders” required to register to include pre-Act offenders, Congress conveyed that the Attorney General had only temporary authority. Or again, in the words of Reynolds, that he could prevent “instantaneous registration” and impose some “implementation delay.” 565 U. S., at 443. That statutory authority, as compared to the delegations we have upheld in the past, is distinctly small-bore. It falls well within constitutional bounds.[4]
Indeed, if SORNA’s delegation is unconstitutional, then most of Government is unconstitutional—dependent as Congress is on the need to give discretion to executive officials to implement its programs. Consider again this Court’s long-time recognition: “Congress simply cannot do its job absent an ability to delegate power under broad general directives.” Mistretta, 488 U. S., at 372; see supra, at 5. Or as the dissent in that case agreed: “[S]ome judgments . . . must be left to the officers executing the law.” 488 U. S., at 415 (opinion of Scalia, J.); see Whitman, 531 U. S., at 475 (“[A] certain degree of discretion[ ] inheres in most executive” action (internal quotation marks omitted)). Among the judgments often left to executive officials are ones involving feasibility. In fact, standards of that kind are ubiquitous in the U. S. Code. See, e.g., 12 U. S. C. §1701z–2(a) (providing that the Secretary of Housing and Urban Development “shall require, to the greatest extent feasible, the employment of new and improved technologies, methods, and materials in housing construction[ ] under [HUD] programs”); 47 U. S. C. §903(d)(1) (providing that “the Secretary of Commerce shall promote efficient and cost-effective use of the spectrum to the maximum extent feasible” in “assigning frequencies for mobile radio services”). In those delegations, Congress gives its delegee the flexibility to deal with real-world constraints in carrying out his charge. So too in SORNA.
It is wisdom and humility alike that this Court has always upheld such “necessities of government.” Mistretta, 488 U. S., at 416 (Scalia, J., dissenting) (internal quo- tation marks omitted); see ibid. (“Since Congress is no less endowed with common sense than we are, and better equipped to inform itself of the ‘necessities’ of government; and since the factors bearing upon those necessities are both multifarious and (in the nonpartisan sense) highly political . . . it is small wonder that we have almost never felt qualified to second-guess Congress regarding the permissible degree of policy judgment that can be left to those executing or applying the law”). We therefore affirm the judgment of the Court of Appeals.
It is so ordered.
Justice Kavanaugh took no part in the consideration or decision of this case.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
No. 17–6086
_________________
HERMAN AVERY GUNDY, PETITIONER v. UNITED STATES
on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the second circuit
[June 20, 2019]
Justice Alito, concurring in the judgment.
The Constitution confers on Congress certain “legislative [p]owers,” Art. I, §1, and does not permit Congress to delegate them to another branch of the Government. See Whitman v. American Trucking Assns., Inc., 531 U.S. 457, 472 (2001). Nevertheless, since 1935, the Court has uniformly rejected nondelegation arguments and has upheld provisions that authorized agencies to adopt important rules pursuant to extraordinarily capacious standards. See ibid.
If a majority of this Court were willing to reconsider the approach we have taken for the past 84 years, I would support that effort. But because a majority is not willing to do that, it would be freakish to single out the provision at issue here for special treatment.
Because I cannot say that the statute lacks a discern- able standard that is adequate under the approach this Court has taken for many years, I vote to affirm.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
No. 17–6086
_________________
HERMAN AVERY GUNDY, PETITIONER v. UNITED STATES
on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the second circuit
[June 20, 2019]
Justice Gorsuch, with whom The Chief Justice and Justice Thomas join, dissenting.
The Constitution promises that only the people’s elected representatives may adopt new federal laws restricting liberty. Yet the statute before us scrambles that design. It purports to endow the nation’s chief prosecutor with the power to write his own criminal code governing the lives of a half-million citizens. Yes, those affected are some of the least popular among us. But if a single executive branch official can write laws restricting the liberty of this group of persons, what does that mean for the next?
Today, a plurality of an eight-member Court endorses this extraconstitutional arrangement but resolves nothing. Working from an understanding of the Constitution at war with its text and history, the plurality reimagines the terms of the statute before us and insists there is nothing wrong with Congress handing off so much power to the Attorney General. But Justice Alito supplies the fifth vote for today’s judgment and he does not join either the plurality’s constitutional or statutory analysis, indicating instead that he remains willing, in a future case with a full Court, to revisit these matters. Respectfully, I would not wait.
I
For individuals convicted of sex offenses after Congress adopted the Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act (SORNA) in 2006, the statute offers detailed instructions. It requires them “to provide state governments with (and to update) information, such as names and current addresses, for inclusion on state and federal sex offender registries.”[1] The law divides offenders into three tiers based on the seriousness of their crimes: Some must register for 15 years, others for 25 years, and still others for life.[2] The statute proceeds to set registration deadlines: Offenders sentenced to prison must register before they’re released, while others must register within three business days after sentencing.[3] The statute explains when and how offenders must update their registrations.[4] And the statute specifies particular penalties for failing to comply with its commands.[5] On and on the statute goes for more than 20 pages of the U. S. Code.
But what about those convicted of sex offenses before the Act’s adoption? At the time of SORNA’s enactment, the nation’s population of sex offenders exceeded 500,000, and Congress concluded that something had to be done about these “pre-Act” offenders too. But it seems Congress couldn’t agree what that should be. The treatment of pre-Act offenders proved a “controversial issue with major policy significance and practical ramifications for states.”[6] Among other things, applying SORNA immediately to this group threatened to impose unpopular and costly burdens
on States and localities by forcing them to adopt or overhaul their own sex offender registration schemes.[7] So Congress simply passed the problem to the Attorney General. For all half-million pre-Act offenders, the law says only this, in 34 U. S. C. §20913(d):
“The Attorney General shall have the authority to specify the applicability of the requirements of this subchapter to sex offenders convicted before the enactment of this chapter . . . and to prescribe rules for the registration of any such sex offender.”
Yes, that’s it. The breadth of the authority Congress granted to the Attorney General in these few words can only be described as vast. As the Department of Justice itself has acknowledged, SORNA “does not require the Attorney General” to impose registration requirements on pre-Act offenders “within a certain time frame or by a date certain; it does not require him to act at all.”[8] If the Attorney General does choose to act, he can require all pre-Act offenders to register, or he can “require some but not all to register.”[9] For those he requires to register, the Attorney General may impose “some but not all of [SORNA’s] registration requirements,” as he pleases.[10] And he is free to change his mind on any of these matters “at any given time or over the course of different [political] administrations.”[11] Congress thus gave the Attorney General free rein to write the rules for virtually the entire existing sex offender population in this country—a situation that promised to persist for years or decades until
pre-Act offenders passed away or fulfilled the terms of their registration obligations and post-Act offenders came to predominate.
Unsurprisingly, different Attorneys General have exercised their discretion in different ways.[12] For six months after SORNA’s enactment, Attorney General Gonzales left past offenders alone. Then the pendulum swung the other direction when the Department of Justice issued an interim rule requiring pre-Act offenders to follow all the same rules as post-Act offenders.[13] A year later, Attorney General Mukasey issued more new guidelines, this time directing the States to register some but not all past offenders.[14] Three years after that, Attorney General Holder required the States to register only those pre-Act offenders convicted of a new felony after SORNA’s enactment.[15] Various Attorneys General have also taken different positions on whether pre-Act offenders might be entitled to credit for time spent in the community before SORNA was enacted.[16]
These unbounded policy choices have profound consequences for the people they affect. Take our case. Before SORNA’s enactment, Herman Gundy pleaded guilty in 2005 to a sexual offense. After his release from prison five years later, he was arrested again, this time for failing to register as a sex offender according to the rules the Attorney General had then prescribed for pre-Act offenders. As a result, Mr. Gundy faced an additional 10-year prison term—10 years more than if the Attorney General had, in
his discretion, chosen to write the rules differently.
II
A
Our founding document begins by declaring that “We the People . . . ordain and establish this Constitution.” At the time, that was a radical claim, an assertion that sovereignty belongs not to a person or institution or class but to the whole of the people. From that premise, the Constitution proceeded to vest the authority to exercise different aspects of the people’s sovereign power in distinct entities. In Article I, the Constitution entrusted all of the federal government’s legislative power to Congress. In Article II, it assigned the executive power to the President. And in Article III, it gave independent judges the task of applying the laws to cases and controversies.
To the framers, each of these vested powers had a distinct content. When it came to the legislative power, the framers understood it to mean the power to adopt gener- ally applicable rules of conduct governing future actions by private persons—the power to “prescrib[e] the rules by which the duties and rights of every citizen are to be regulated,”[17] or the power to “prescribe general rules for the government of society.”[18]
The framers understood, too, that it would frustrate “the system of government ordained by the Constitution” if Congress could merely announce vague aspirations and then assign others the responsibility of adopting legislation to realize its goals.[19] Through the Constitution, after
all, the people had vested the power to prescribe rules limiting their liberties in Congress alone. No one, not even Congress, had the right to alter that arrangement. As Chief Justice Marshall explained, Congress may not “delegate . . . powers which are strictly and exclusively legislative.”[20] Or as John Locke, one of the thinkers who most influenced the framers’ understanding of the separation of powers, described it:
“The legislative cannot transfer the power of making laws to any other hands; for it being but a delegated power from the people, they who have it cannot pass it over to others. The people alone can appoint the form of the commonwealth, which is by constituting the legislative, and appointing in whose hands that shall be. And when the people have said we will submit to rules, and be governed by laws made by such men, and in such forms, nobody else can say other men shall make laws for them; nor can the people be bound by any laws but such as are enacted by those whom they have chosen and authorised to make laws for them.”[21]
Why did the framers insist on this particular arrangement? They believed the new federal government’s most dangerous power was the power to enact laws restricting the people’s liberty.[22] An “excess of law-making” was, in their words, one of “the diseases to which our governments are most liable.”[23] To address that tendency, the framers went to great lengths to make lawmaking difficult. In Article I, by far the longest part of the Constitution, the
framers insisted that any proposed law must win the approval of two Houses of Congress—elected at different times, by different constituencies, and for different terms in office—and either secure the President’s approval or obtain enough support to override his veto. Some occasionally complain about Article I’s detailed and arduous processes for new legislation, but to the framers these were bulwarks of liberty.
Nor was the point only to limit the government’s capac- ity to restrict the people’s freedoms. Article I’s detailed processes for new laws were also designed to promote deliberation. “The oftener the measure is brought under examination,” Hamilton explained, “the greater the diversity in the situations of those who are to examine it,” and “the less must be the danger of those errors which flow from want of due deliberation, or of those missteps which proceed from the contagion of some common passion or interest.”[24]
Other purposes animated the framers’ design as well. Because men are not angels[25] and majorities can threaten minority rights, the framers insisted on a legislature composed of different bodies subject to different electorates as a means of ensuring that any new law would have to secure the approval of a supermajority of the people’s representatives. This, in turn, assured minorities that their votes would often decide the fate of proposed legislation. Indeed, some even thought a Bill of Rights would prove unnecessary in light of the Constitution’s design; in their view, sound structures forcing “[a]mbition [to] . . . counteract ambition” would do more than written promises to guard unpopular minorities from the tyranny of the majority.[26] Restricting the task of legislating to one branch characterized by difficult and deliberative processes was also designed to promote fair notice and the rule of law, ensuring the people would be subject to a relatively stable and predictable set of rules.[27] And by directing that legislating be done only by elected representatives in a public process, the Constitution sought to ensure that the lines of accountability would be clear: The sovereign people would know, without ambiguity, whom to hold accountable for the laws they would have to follow.[28]
If Congress could pass off its legislative power to the executive branch, the “[v]esting [c]lauses, and indeed the entire structure of the Constitution,” would “make no sense.”[29] Without the involvement of representatives from across the country or the demands of bicameralism and presentment, legislation would risk becoming nothing more than the will of the current President. And if laws could be simply declared by a single person, they would not be few in number, the product of widespread social consensus, likely to protect minority interests, or apt to provide stability and fair notice.[30] Accountability would suffer too. Legislators might seek to take credit for addressing a pressing social problem by sending it to the executive for resolution, while at the same time blaming the executive for the problems that attend whatever measures he chooses to pursue. In turn, the executive might point to Congress as the source of the problem. These opportunities for finger-pointing might prove tempt-
ingly advantageous for the politicians involved, but they would also threaten to “ ‘disguise . . . responsibility for . . . the decisions.’ ”[31]
The framers warned us against permitting consequences like these. As Madison explained, “ ‘[t]here can be no liberty where the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person, or body of magistrates.’ ”[32] The framers knew, too, that the job of keeping the legislative power confined to the legislative branch couldn’t be trusted to self-policing by Congress; often enough, legislators will face rational incentives to pass problems to the executive branch. Besides, enforcing the separation of powers isn’t about protecting institutional prerogatives or governmental turf. It’s about respecting the people’s sovereign choice to vest the legislative power in Congress alone. And it’s about safeguarding a structure designed to protect their liberties, minority rights, fair notice, and the rule of law. So when a case or controversy comes within the judicial competence, the Constitution does not permit judges to look the other way; we must call foul when the constitutional lines are crossed. Indeed, the framers afforded us independence from the political branches in large part to encourage exactly this kind of “forti- tude . . . to do [our] duty as faithful guardians of the Constitution.”[33]
B
Accepting, then, that we have an obligation to decide whether Congress has unconstitutionally divested itself of its legislative responsibilities, the question follows: What’s the test? Madison acknowledged that “no skill in the science of government has yet been able to discriminate and define, with sufficient certainty, its three great provinces—the legislative, executive, and judiciary.”[34] Chief Justice Marshall agreed that policing the separation of powers “is a subject of delicate and difficult inquiry.”[35] Still, the framers took this responsibility seriously and offered us important guiding principles.
First, we know that as long as Congress makes the policy decisions when regulating private conduct, it may authorize another branch to “fill up the details.” In Wayman v. Southard, this Court upheld a statute that instructed the federal courts to borrow state-court procedural rules but allowed them to make certain “alterations and additions.” Writing for the Court, Chief Justice Marshall distinguished between those “important subjects, which must be entirely regulated by the legislature itself,” and “those of less interest, in which a general provision may be made, and power given to those who are to act . . . to fill up the details.”[36] The Court upheld the statute before it because Congress had announced the controlling general policy when it ordered federal courts to follow state procedures, and the residual authority to make “alterations and additions” did no more than permit courts to fill up the details.
Later cases built on Chief Justice Marshall’s understanding. In In re Kollock, for example, the Court upheld
a statute that assigned the Commissioner of Internal Revenue the responsibility to design tax stamps for margarine packages.[37] Later still, and using the same logic, the Court sustained other and far more consequential statutes, like a law authorizing the Secretary of Agriculture to adopt rules regulating the “use and occupancy” of public forests to protect them from “destruction” and “depredations.”[38] Through all these cases, small or large, runs the theme that Congress must set forth standards “sufficiently definite and precise to enable Congress, the courts, and the public to ascertain” whether Congress’s guidance has been followed.[39]
Second, once Congress prescribes the rule governing private conduct, it may make the application of that rule depend on executive fact-finding. Here, too, the power extended to the executive may prove highly consequential. During the Napoleonic Wars, for example, Britain and France each tried to block the United States from trading with the other. Congress responded with a statute instructing that, if the President found that either Great Britain or France stopped interfering with American trade, a trade embargo would be imposed against the other country. In Cargo of Brig Aurora v. United States, this Court explained that it could “see no sufficient reason, why the legislature should not exercise its discretion [to impose an embargo] either expressly or conditionally, as their judgment should direct.”[40] Half a century later, Congress likewise made the construction of the Brooklyn Bridge depend on a finding by the Secretary of War that
the bridge wouldn’t interfere with navigation of the East River. The Court held that Congress “did not abdicate any of its authority” but “simply declared that, upon a certain fact being established, the bridge should be deemed a lawful structure, and employed the secretary of war as an agent to ascertain that fact.”[41]
Third, Congress may assign the executive and judicial branches certain non-legislative responsibilities. While the Constitution vests all federal legislative power in Congress alone, Congress’s legislative authority sometimes overlaps with authority the Constitution separately vests in another branch.[42] So, for example, when a congressional statute confers wide discretion to the executive, no separation-of-powers problem may arise if “the discretion is to be exercised over matters already within the scope of executive power.”[43] Though the case was decided on different grounds, the foreign-affairs-related statute in Cargo of the Brig Aurora may be an example of this kind of permissible lawmaking, given that many foreign affairs powers are constitutionally vested in the president under Article II. Wayman itself might be explained by the same principle as applied to the judiciary: Even in the absence of any statute, courts have the power under Article III “to regulate their practice.”[44]
C
Before the 1930s, federal statutes granting authority to
the executive were comparatively modest and usually easily upheld. But then the federal government began to grow explosively. And with the proliferation of new executive programs came new questions about the scope of congressional delegations. Twice the Court responded by striking down statutes for violating the separation of powers.
In A. L. A. Schechter Poultry Corp. v. United States, the Court considered a statute that transferred to the President the power “to approve ‘codes of fair competition’ ” for slaughterhouses and other industries.[45] But Congress offered no meaningful guidance. It did not, for example, reference any pre-existing common law of fair competition that might have supplied guidance on the policy questions, as it arguably had done earlier with the Sherman Act.[46] And it did not announce rules contingent on executive fact-finding. Nor was this assigned power one that anyone thought might inhere in the executive power. Proceeding without the need to convince a majority of legislators, the President adopted a lengthy fair competition code written by a group of (possibly self-serving) New York poultry butchers.
Included in the code was a rule that often made it a federal crime for butchers to allow customers to select which individual chickens they wished to buy. Kosher butchers such as the Schechters had a hard time following these rules. Yet the government apparently singled out the Schechters as a test case; inspectors repeatedly visited them and, at times, apparently behaved abusively toward their customers. When the Schechters finally kicked the
inspectors out, they were greeted with a criminal indictment running to dozens of counts. After a trial in which the Schechters were found guilty of selling one allegedly “unfit” chicken and other miscellaneous counts,[47] this Court agreed to hear the case and struck down the law as a violation of the separation of powers. If Congress could permit the President to write a new code of fair competition all his own, Justice Cardozo explained, then “anything that Congress may do within the limits of the commerce clause for the betterment of business [could] be done by the President . . . by calling it a code. This is delegation running riot.”[48]
The same year, in Panama Refining Co. v. Ryan, the Court struck down a statute that authorized the President to decide whether and how to prohibit the interstate transportation of “ ‘hot oil,’ ” petroleum produced or withdrawn from storage in excess of state-set quotas. As in Schechter Poultry, the law provided no notice to regulated parties about what the President might wind up prohibiting, leading the Court to observe that Congress “ha[d] declared no policy, ha[d] established no standard, ha[d] laid down no rule.”[49] The Court explained that the statute did not call for the executive to “ascertai[n] the existence of facts to which legislation is directed.”[50] Nor did it ask the executive to “ ‘fill up the details’ ” “within the framework of the policy which the legislature has sufficiently defined.”[51] “If [the statute] were held valid,” the Court continued, “it would be idle to pretend that anything would be left of limitations upon the power of the Congress to delegate its law-making function.”[52]
After Schechter Poultry and Panama Refining, Congress responded by writing a second wave of New Deal legislation more “[c]arefully crafted” to avoid the kind of problems that sank these early statutes.[53] And since that time the Court hasn’t held another statute to violate the separation of powers in the same way. Of course, no one thinks that the Court’s quiescence can be attributed to an unwavering new tradition of more scrupulously drawn statutes. Some lament that the real cause may have to do with a mistaken “case of death by association” because Schechter Poultry and Panama Refining happened to be handed down during the same era as certain of the Court’s now-discredited substantive due process decisions.[54] But maybe the most likely explanation of all lies in the story of the evolving “intelligible principle” doctrine.
This Court first used that phrase in 1928 in J. W. Hampton, Jr., & Co. v. United States, where it remarked that a statute “lay[ing] down by legislative act an intelligible principle to which the [executive official] is directed to conform” satisfies the separation of powers.[55] No one at the time thought the phrase meant to effect some revolution in this Court’s understanding of the Constitution. While the exact line between policy and details, lawmaking and fact-finding, and legislative and non-legislative functions had sometimes invited reasonable debate, everyone agreed these were the relevant inquiries. And when Chief Justice Taft wrote of an “intelligible principle,” it seems plain enough that he sought only to explain the
operation of these traditional tests; he gave no hint of a wish to overrule or revise them. Tellingly, too, he wrote the phrase seven years before Schechter Poultry and Panama Refining, and it did nothing to alter the analysis in those cases, let alone prevent those challenges from succeeding by lopsided votes.
There’s a good argument, as well, that the statute in J. W. Hampton passed muster under the traditional tests. To boost American competitiveness in international trade, the legislation directed the President to “ ‘investigat[e]’ ” the relative costs of production for American companies and their foreign counterparts and impose tariffs or duties that would “ ‘equalize’ ” those costs.[56] It also offered guidance on how to determine costs of production, listing several relevant factors and establishing a process for interested parties to submit evidence.[57] The President’s fact-finding responsibility may have required intricate calculations, but it could be argued that Congress had made all the relevant policy decisions, and the Court’s reference to an “intelligible principle” was just another way to describe the traditional rule that Congress may leave the executive the responsibility to find facts and fill up details.[58]
Still, it’s undeniable that the “intelligible principle” remark eventually began to take on a life of its own. We sometimes chide people for treating judicial opinions as if they were statutes, divorcing a passing comment from its context, ignoring all that came before and after, and treating an isolated phrase as if it were controlling.[59] But that seems to be exactly what happened here. For two decades, no one thought to invoke the “intelligible principle” comment as a basis to uphold a statute that would have failed more traditional separation-of-powers tests. In fact, the phrase sat more or less silently entombed until the late 1940s. Only then did lawyers begin digging it up in earnest and arguing to this Court that it had somehow displaced (sub silentio of course) all prior teachings in this area.[60]
This mutated version of the “intelligible principle” remark has no basis in the original meaning of the Constitution, in history, or even in the decision from which it was plucked. Judges and scholars representing a wide and diverse range of views have condemned it as resting on “misunderst[ood] historical foundations.”[61] They have explained, too, that it has been abused to permit delegations of legislative power that on any other conceivable account should be held unconstitutional. Indeed, where some have claimed to see “intelligible principles” many “less discerning readers [have been able only to] find gibberish.”[62] Even Justice Douglas, one of the fathers of the administrative state, came to criticize excessive congressional delegations in the period when the intelligible principle “test” began to take hold.[63]
Still, the scope of the problem can be overstated. At least some of the results the Court has reached under the banner of the abused “intelligible principle” doctrine may be consistent with more traditional teachings. Some delegations have, at least arguably, implicated the president’s inherent Article II authority. The Court has held, for example, that Congress may authorize the President to prescribe aggravating factors that permit a military court-martial to impose the death penalty on a member of the Armed Forces convicted of murder—a decision that may
implicate in part the President’s independent commander-in-chief authority.[64] Others of these cases may have involved laws that specified rules governing private conduct but conditioned the application of those rules on fact-finding—a practice that is, as we’ve seen, also long associated with the executive function.[65]
More recently, too, we’ve sought to tame misunderstandings of the intelligible principle “test.” In Touby v. United States, the Court considered a provision of the Controlled Substances Act that allowed the Attorney General to add a substance to a list of prohibited drugs temporarily if he determined that doing so was “ ‘necessary to avoid an imminent hazard to the public safety.’ ”[66] Notably, Congress required the Attorney General, before acting, to consider the drug’s “ ‘history and current pattern of abuse,’ ” the “ ‘scope, duration, and significance of [that] abuse,’ ” and “ ‘[w]hat, if any, risk there is to the public health.’ ”[67] In approving the statute, the Court stressed all these constraints on the Attorney General’s discretion and, in doing so, seemed to indicate that the statute supplied an “intelligible principle” because it assigned an essentially fact-finding responsibility to the executive. Whether or not one agrees with its characterization of the statute, in proceeding as it did Touby may have at least begun to point us back in the direction of the right questions. To determine whether a statute provides an intelli-
gible principle, we must ask: Does the statute assign to the executive only the responsibility to make factual findings? Does it set forth the facts that the executive must consider and the criteria against which to measure them? And most importantly, did Congress, and not the Executive Branch, make the policy judgments? Only then can we fairly say that a statute contains the kind of intelligible principle the Constitution demands.
While it’s been some time since the Court last held that a statute improperly delegated the legislative power to another branch—thanks in no small measure to the intelligible principle misadventure—the Court has hardly abandoned the business of policing improper legislative delegations. When one legal doctrine becomes unavailable to do its intended work, the hydraulic pressures of our constitutional system sometimes shift the responsibility to different doctrines.[68] And that’s exactly what’s happened here. We still regularly rein in Congress’s efforts to delegate legislative power; we just call what we’re doing by different names.
Consider, for example, the “major questions” doctrine. Under our precedents, an agency can fill in statutory gaps where “statutory circumstances” indicate that Congress meant to grant it such powers.[69] But we don’t follow that rule when the “statutory gap” concerns “a question of deep ‘economic and political significance’ that is central to the statutory scheme.”[70] So we’ve rejected agency demands that we defer to their attempts to rewrite rules for billions of dollars in healthcare tax credits,[71] to assume control over millions of small greenhouse gas sources,[72] and to ban cigarettes.[73] Although it is nominally a canon of statutory construction, we apply the major questions doctrine in service of the constitutional rule that Congress may not divest itself of its legislative power by transferring that power to an executive agency.
Consider, too, this Court’s cases addressing vagueness. “A vague law,” this Court has observed, “impermissibly delegates basic policy matters to policemen, judges, and juries for resolution on an ad hoc and subjective basis.”[74] And we have explained that our doctrine prohibiting vague laws is an outgrowth and “corollary of the separation of powers.”[75] It’s easy to see, too, how most any challenge to a legislative delegation can be reframed as a vagueness complaint: A statute that does not contain “sufficiently definite and precise” standards “to enable Congress, the courts, and the public to ascertain” whether Congress’s guidance has been followed at once presents a delegation problem and provides impermissibly vague guidance to affected citizens.[76] And it seems little coincidence that our void-for-vagueness cases became much more common soon after the Court began relaxing its approach to legislative delegations. Before 1940, the Court decided only a handful of vagueness challenges to federal statutes. Since then, the phrase “void for vagueness” has appeared in our cases well over 100 times.
Nor have we abandoned enforcing other sides of the separation-of-powers triangle between the legislative, executive, and judiciary. We have not hesitated to prevent Congress from “confer[ring] the Government’s ‘judicial Power’ on entities outside Article III.”[77] We’ve forbidden the executive from encroaching on legislative functions by wielding a line-item veto.[78] We’ve prevented Congress from delegating its collective legislative power to a single House.[79] And we’ve policed legislative efforts to control executive branch officials.[80] These cases show that, when the separation of powers is at stake, we don’t just throw up our hands. In all these areas, we recognize that abdication is “not part of the constitutional design.”[81] And abdication here would be no more appropriate. To leave this aspect of the constitutional structure alone undefended would serve only to accelerate the flight of power from the legislative to the executive branch, turning the latter into a vortex of authority that was constitutionally reserved for the people’s representatives in order to protect their liberties.
III
A
Returning to SORNA with this understanding of our charge in hand, problems quickly emerge. Start with this one: It’s hard to see how SORNA leaves the Attorney General with only details to fill up. Of course, what qualifies as a detail can sometimes be difficult to discern and,
as we’ve seen, this Court has upheld statutes that allow federal agencies to resolve even highly consequential details so long as Congress prescribes the rule governing private conduct. But it’s hard to see how the statute before us could be described as leaving the Attorney General with only details to dispatch. As the government itself admitted in Reynolds, SORNA leaves the Attorney General free to impose on 500,000 pre-Act offenders all of the statute’s requirements, some of them, or none of them. The Attorney General may choose which pre-Act offenders to subject to the Act. And he is free to change his mind at any point or over the course of different political administrations. In the end, there isn’t a single policy decision concerning pre-Act offenders on which Congress even tried to speak, and not a single other case where we have upheld executive authority over matters like these on the ground they constitute mere “details.” This much appears to have been deliberate, too. Because members of Congress could not reach consensus on the treatment of pre-Act offenders, it seems this was one of those situations where they found it expedient to hand off the job to the executive and direct there the blame for any later problems that might emerge.
Nor can SORNA be described as an example of conditional legislation subject to executive fact-finding. To be sure, Congress could have easily written this law in that way. It might have required all pre-Act offenders to register, but then given the Attorney General the authority to make case-by-case exceptions for offenders who do not present an “ ‘imminent hazard to the public safety’ ” comparable to that posed by newly released post-Act offenders.[82] It could have set criteria to inform that determination, too, asking the executive to investigate, say, whether
an offender’s risk of recidivism correlates with the time since his last offense, or whether multiple lesser offenses indicate higher or lower risks than a single greater offense.
But SORNA did none of this. Instead, it gave the Attorney General unfettered discretion to decide which requirements to impose on which pre-Act offenders. The Attorney General’s own edicts acknowledge the consider- able policy-making powers he enjoys, describing his rules governing pre-Act offenders as “ ‘of fundamental importance to the initial operation of SORNA, and to its practical scope . . . since [they] determin[e] the applicability of SORNA’s requirements to virtually the entire existing sex offender population.’ ”[83] These edicts tout, too, the Attorney General’s “discretion to apply SORNA’s requirements to sex offenders with pre-SORNA convictions if he determines (as he has) that the public benefits of doing so outweigh any adverse effects.”[84] Far from deciding the factual predicates to a rule set forth by statute, the Attorney General himself acknowledges that the law entitles him to make his own policy decisions.
Finally, SORNA does not involve an area of overlapping authority with the executive. Congress may assign the President broad authority regarding the conduct of foreign affairs or other matters where he enjoys his own inherent Article II powers. But SORNA stands far afield from any of that. It gives the Attorney General the authority to “prescrib[e] the rules by which the duties and rights” of citizens are determined, a quintessentially legislative power.[85]
Our precedents confirm these conclusions. If allowing
the President to draft a “cod[e] of fair competition” for slaughterhouses was “delegation running riot,” then it’s hard to see how giving the nation’s chief prosecutor the power to write a criminal code rife with his own policy choices might be permissible.[86] And if Congress may not give the President the discretion to ban or allow the interstate transportation of petroleum, then it’s hard to see how Congress may give the Attorney General the discretion to apply or not apply any or all of SORNA’s requirements to pre-Act offenders, and then change his mind at any time.[87] If the separation of powers means anything, it must mean that Congress cannot give the executive branch a blank check to write a code of conduct governing private conduct for a half-million people.
The statute here also sounds all the alarms the founders left for us. Because Congress could not achieve the consensus necessary to resolve the hard problems associated with SORNA’s application to pre-Act offenders, it passed the potato to the Attorney General. And freed from the need to assemble a broad supermajority for his views, the Attorney General did not hesitate to apply the statute retroactively to a politically unpopular minority. Nor could the Attorney General afford the issue the kind of deliberative care the framers designed a representative legislature to ensure. Perhaps that’s part of the reason why the executive branch found itself rapidly adopting different positions across different administrations. And because SORNA vested lawmaking power in one person rather than many, it should be no surprise that, rather than few and stable, the edicts have proved frequent and shifting, with fair notice sacrificed in the process. Then, too, there is the question of accountability. In passing this
statute, Congress was able to claim credit for “comprehensively” addressing the problem of the entire existing population of sex offenders (who can object to that?), while in fact leaving the Attorney General to sort it out.
It would be easy enough to let this case go. After all, sex offenders are one of the most disfavored groups in our society. But the rule that prevents Congress from giving the executive carte blanche to write laws for sex offenders is the same rule that protects everyone else. Nor is it hard to imagine how the power at issue in this case—the power of a prosecutor to require a group to register with the government on pain of weighty criminal penalties—could be abused in other settings. To allow the nation’s chief law enforcement officer to write the criminal laws he is charged with enforcing—to “ ‘unit[e]’ ” the “ ‘legislative and executive powers . . . in the same person’ ”—would be to mark the end of any meaningful enforcement of our separation of powers and invite the tyranny of the majority that follows when lawmaking and law enforcement responsibilities are united in the same hands.[88]
Nor would enforcing the Constitution’s demands spell doom for what some call the “administrative state.” The separation of powers does not prohibit any particular policy outcome, let alone dictate any conclusion about the proper size and scope of government. Instead, it is a procedural guarantee that requires Congress to assemble a social consensus before choosing our nation’s course on policy questions like those implicated by SORNA. What is more, Congress is hardly bereft of options to accomplish all it might wish to achieve. It may always authorize executive branch officials to fill in even a large number of details, to find facts that trigger the generally applicable rule of conduct specified in a statute, or to exercise non-
legislative powers. Congress can also commission agencies or other experts to study and recommend legislative language. Respecting the separation of powers forecloses no substantive outcomes. It only requires us to respect along the way one of the most vital of the procedural protections of individual liberty found in our Constitution.
B
What do the government and the plurality have to say about the constitutional concerns SORNA poses? Most everyone, the plurality included, concedes that if SORNA allows the Attorney General as much authority as we have outlined, it would present “a nondelegation question.”[89] So the only remaining available tactic is to try to make this big case “small-bore”[90] by recasting the statute in a way that might satisfy any plausible separation-of-powers test. So, yes, just a few years ago in Reynolds the government represented to this Court that SORNA granted the Attorney General nearly boundless discretion with respect to pre-Act offenders. But now, faced with a constitutional challenge, the government speaks out of the other side of its mouth and invites us to reimagine SORNA as compelling the Attorney General to register pre-Act offenders “to the maximum extent feasible.” And, as thus reinvented, the government insists, the statute supplies a clear statement of legislative policy, with only details for the Attorney General to clean up.
But even this new dream of a statute wouldn’t be free from doubt. A statute directing an agency to regulate private conduct to the extent “feasible” can have many possible meanings: It might refer to “technological” feasibility, “economic” feasibility, “administrative” feasibility,
or even “political” feasibility. Such an “evasive standard” could threaten the separation of powers if it effectively allowed the agency to make the “important policy choices” that belong to Congress while frustrating “meaningful judicial review.”[91] And that seems exactly the case here, where the Attorney General is left free to make all the important policy decisions and it is difficult to see what standard a court might later use to judge whether he exceeded the bounds of the authority given to him.
But don’t worry over that; return to the real world. The bigger problem is that the feasibility standard is a figment of the government’s (very recent) imagination. The only provision addressing pre-Act offenders, §20913(d), says nothing about feasibility. And the omission can hardly be excused as some oversight: No one doubts that Congress knows exactly how to write a feasibility standard into law when it wishes.[92] Unsurprisingly, too, the existence of some imaginary statutory feasibility standard seemed to have escaped notice at the Department of Justice during the Attorney General’s many rulemakings; in those proceedings, as we have seen, the Attorney General has repeatedly admitted that the statute affords him the authority to “balance” the burdens on sex offenders with “public safety interests” as and how he sees fit.[93]
Unable to muster a feasibility standard from the only statutory provision addressing pre-Act offenders, the plurality invites us to hunt in other and more unlikely corners. It points first to SORNA’s “[d]eclaration of purpose,” which announces that Congress, “[i]n order to pro-
tect the public from sex offenders and offenders against children . . . establishes a comprehensive national system for the registration of those offenders.”[94] But nowhere is feasibility mentioned here either. In fact, this provision doesn’t purport to guide the Attorney General’s discretion at all. Instead, it simply declares what Congress believed the rest of the statute’s enacted provisions had already “establishe[d],” without the need for any action by the Attorney General. And by now surely we must all agree that broad and sweeping statements like these about “a statute’s ‘basic purpose’ are . . . inadequate to overcome the words of its text regarding the specific issue under consideration.”[95] While those adopting SORNA might have declared that they hoped and wished for a “comprehensive national system,” the fact remains that the law they actually adopted for pre-Act offenders leaves everything to the Attorney General. Hopes and dreams are not laws.
Besides, even if we were to pretend that §20901 amounted to a directive telling the Attorney General to establish a “comprehensive national system” for pre-Act offenders, the plurality reads too much into the word “comprehensive.” Comprehensive coverage does not mean coverage to the maximum extent feasible. “Comprehensive” means “having the attribute of comprising or including much; of large content or scope,” “[i]nclusive of; embracing,” or “[c]ontaining much in small compass; compendious.”[96] So, for example, a criminal justice system may be called “comprehensive” even though many crimes go unpursued. And SORNA itself contains all sorts of
coverage exceptions for post-Act offenders yet claims to comprehensively address them.[97] In the same way, no reason exists why SORNA might not also claim to address pre-Act offenders “comprehensively” even though the Attorney General is free to exercise his discretion to forgo registration for some, many, or maybe all of them. The statute still “comprehensively” addresses these persons by indicating they must abide whatever rules an Attorney General may choose. In all these ways, SORNA might be said to address sex offenders past, present, and future in a way that “compris[es] or includ[es] much,” and that is “of large content or scope,” but in a way that nevertheless delegates important policy decisions to the executive branch.
Finding it impossible to conscript the statute’s declaration of purpose into doing the work it needs done, the government and plurality next ask us to turn to SORNA’s definition of “ ‘sex offender.’ ”[98] They emphasize that SORNA defines a “sex offender” as “ ‘an individual who was convicted of a sex offense’ ”—and, they note, pre-Act offenders meet this definition.[99] Because pre-Act offenders fall within the definition of “sex offender[s],” the government and plurality continue, it follows that the Attorney General must ensure all of them are registered and subject to SORNA’s demands.
That much, however, does not follow. To say that pre-Act sex offenders fall within the definition of “sex offenders” is merely a truism: Yes, of course, these people have already been convicted of sex offenses under state law. But whether these individuals are also subject to federal registration requirements is a different question entirely.
And as we have seen, the only part of the statute that speaks to pre-Act sex offenders—§20913(d)—makes plain that they are not automatically subject to all the Act’s terms but are left to their fate at the hands of the Attorney General. Look at it this way: If the statute’s definitional section were really enough to command the registration of all sex offenders, the Act would have had no need to proceed to explain, as it does at great length, when post-Act sex offenders must register and when they need not.
If that argument won’t work, the plurality points us to §20913(d)’s second clause, which grants the Attorney General the authority “to prescribe rules for the registration of . . . sex offenders . . . who are unable to comply” with the Act’s initial registration requirements.[100] According to the plurality, this language suggests that Congress expected the Attorney General to register pre-Act offenders to the maximum extent feasible. But, of course, this clause, too, says nothing of the sort. And the authority provided under §20913(d)’s first clause—which gives the Attorney General the blanket authority “to specify the applicability of the requirements of this subchapter”—is additional to the authority granted under the second clause. So not only does the Attorney General have the authority to prescribe rules for the registration of pre-Act offenders under the second clause, he is free to specify which statutory requirements he does and does not wish to apply under the first clause. Far from suggesting a maximalist approach then, the second clause read in light of the first only serves to underscore the breadth of the Attorney General’s discretion.
With so little in statutory text to work with, the government and the plurality “can’t resist” highlighting cer-
tain statements from the Act’s legislative history.[101] But “legislative history is not the law.”[102] Still less can committee reports or statements by individual legislators be used “to muddy clear statutory language” like that before us.[103] And even taken on their own terms, these statements do no more than confirm that some members of Congress hoped and wished that the Attorney General would exercise his discretion to register at least some pre-Act offenders. None of these snippets mentions a “feasibility” standard, and none can obscure the absence of such a standard in the law itself.
That leaves the plurality and the government to try to fish its feasibility standard from our decision in Reynolds. But Reynolds would make a difference only if it bound us as a matter of stare decisis to adopt an interpretation inconsistent with the statute’s terms. And, of course, it does no such thing. The government and the plurality submit that Reynolds was premised on an understanding that Congress intended the statute to apply to pre-Act offenders to the maximum extent feasible. To support their reading they point to Reynolds’ surmise that Congress “may well have thought [that there could be] practical problems” with applying SORNA to pre-Act offenders and for that reason left their registration obligations to be sorted out by the Attorney General.[104] But speculation about some of Congress’s motives in adopting §20913(d) aside, Reynolds plainly understood the statute itself as investing the Attorney General with sole power to decide whether and when to apply SORNA’s requirements to pre-
Act offenders.[105]
*
Nothing found here can come as a surprise. In Reynolds, the government told this Court that SORNA supplies no standards regulating the Attorney General’s treatment of pre-Act offenders. This Court agreed, and everyone proceeded with eyes open about the potential constitutional consequences; in fact, the dissent expressly warned that adopting such a broad construction of the statute would yield the separation-of-powers challenge we face today.[106] Now, when the statute faces the chopping block, the government asks us to ignore its earlier arguments and reimagine (really, rewrite) the statute in a new and narrower way to avoid its long-predicted fate. No wonder some of us are not inclined to play along.
The only real surprise is that the Court fails to make good on the consequences the government invited, resolving nothing and deferring everything. In a future case with a full panel, I remain hopeful that the Court may yet recognize that, while Congress can enlist considerable assistance from the executive branch in filling up details and finding facts, it may never hand off to the nation’s chief prosecutor the power to write his own criminal code. That “is delegation running riot.”[107]
2.3.2. Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act, 42 U.S.C. § 16913 (2006)
2.3.3 Required Readings 2.3.3 Required Readings
2.3.3.1. Dan Kahan, Is Chevron Relevant to Federal Criminal Law? 110 HARVARD LAW REVIEW 469 (1996)
The link below will take you to to an online database in the Harvard Library systems. Use "Harvard Law School" and your Harvard Key credentials to access.
2.3.3.2 Chevron U.S.A. Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc. 2.3.3.2 Chevron U.S.A. Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc.
Opinion [Link]
Argument [Link]
467 U.S. 837 (1984)
CHEVRON U. S. A. INC.
v.
NATURAL RESOURCES DEFENSE COUNCIL, INC., ET AL.
No. 82-1005.
Supreme Court of United States.
Argued February 29, 1984
Decided June 25, 1984[1]
CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA CIRCUIT
[839] Deputy Solicitor General Bator argued the cause for petitioners in all cases. With him on the briefs for petitioner in No. 82-1591 were Solicitor General Lee, Acting Assistant Attorney General Habicht, Deputy Assistant Attorney General Walker, Mark I. Levy, Anne S. Almy, William F. Pedersen, and Charles S. Carter. Michael H. Salinsky and Kevin M. Fong filed briefs for petitioner in No. 82-1005. Robert A. Emmett, David Ferber, Stark Ritchie, Theodore L. Garrett, Patricia A. Barald, Louis E. Tosi, William L. Patberg, Charles F. Lettow, and Barton C. Green filed briefs for petitioners in No. 82-1247.
David D. Doniger argued the cause and filed a brief for respondents.[2]
A brief of amici curiae urging affirmance was filed for the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania et al. by LeRoy S. Zimmerman, Attorney General of Pennsylvania, Thomas Y. Au, Duane Woodard, Attorney General of Colorado, Richard L. Griffith, Assistant Attorney General, Joseph I. Lieberman, Attorney General of Connecticut, Robert A. Whitehead, Jr., Assistant Attorney General, James S. Tierney, Attorney General of Maine, Robert Abrams, Attorney General of New York, Marcia J. Cleveland and Mary L. Lyndon, Assistant Attorneys General, Irwin I. Kimmelman, Attorney General of New Jersey, John J. Easton, Jr., Attorney General of Vermont, Merideth Wright, Assistant Attorney General, Bronson C. La Follette, Attorney General of Wisconsin, and Maryann Sumi, Assistant Attorney General.
James D. English, Mary-Win O'Brien, and Bernard Kleiman filed a brief for the United Steelworkers of America, AFL-CIO-CLC, as amicus curiae.
JUSTICE STEVENS delivered the opinion of the Court.
In the Clean Air Act Amendments of 1977, Pub. L. 95-95, 91 Stat. 685, Congress enacted certain requirements applicable [840] to States that had not achieved the national air quality standards established by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) pursuant to earlier legislation. The amended Clean Air Act required these "nonattainment" States to establish a permit program regulating "new or modified major stationary sources" of air pollution. Generally, a permit may not be issued for a new or modified major stationary source unless several stringent conditions are met.[3] The EPA regulation promulgated to implement this permit requirement allows a State to adopt a plantwide definition of the term "stationary source."[4] Under this definition, an existing plant that contains several pollution-emitting devices may install or modify one piece of equipment without meeting the permit conditions if the alteration will not increase the total emissions from the plant. The question presented by these cases is whether EPA's decision to allow States to treat all of the pollution-emitting devices within the same industrial grouping as though they were encased within a single "bubble" is based on a reasonable construction of the statutory term "stationary source."
I
The EPA regulations containing the plantwide definition of the term stationary source were promulgated on October [841] 14, 1981. 46 Fed. Reg. 50766. Respondents[5] filed a timely petition for review in the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit pursuant to 42 U. S. C. § 7607(b)(1).[6] The Court of Appeals set aside the regulations. National Resources Defense Council, Inc. v. Gorsuch, 222 U. S. App. D. C. 268, 685 F. 2d 718 (1982).
The court observed that the relevant part of the amended Clean Air Act "does not explicitly define what Congress envisioned as a `stationary source, to which the permit program. . . should apply," and further stated that the precise issue was not "squarely addressed in the legislative history." Id., at 273, 685 F. 2d, at 723. In light of its conclusion that the legislative history bearing on the question was "at best contradictory," it reasoned that "the purposes of the nonattainment program should guide our decision here." Id., at 276, n. 39, 685 F. 2d, at 726, n. 39.[7] Based on two of its precedents concerning the applicability of the bubble concept to certain Clean Air Act programs,[8] the court stated that the bubble concept was "mandatory" in programs designed merely to maintain existing air quality, but held that it was "inappropriate" in programs enacted to improve air quality. Id., at 276, 685 F. 2d, at 726. Since the purpose of the permit [842] program — its "raison d'etre," in the court's view — was to improve air quality, the court held that the bubble concept was inapplicable in these cases under its prior precedents. Ibid. It therefore set aside the regulations embodying the bubble concept as contrary to law. We granted certiorari to review that judgment, 461 U. S. 956 (1983), and we now reverse.
The basic legal error of the Court of Appeals was to adopt a static judicial definition of the term "stationary source" when it had decided that Congress itself had not commanded that definition. Respondents do not defend the legal reasoning of the Court of Appeals.[9] Nevertheless, since this Court reviews judgments, not opinions,[10] we must determine whether the Court of Appeals' legal error resulted in an erroneous judgment on the validity of the regulations.
II
When a court reviews an agency's construction of the statute which it administers, it is confronted with two questions. First, always, is the question whether Congress has directly spoken to the precise question at issue. If the intent of Congress is clear, that is the end of the matter; for the court, [843] as well as the agency, must give effect to the unambiguously expressed intent of Congress.[11] If, however, the court determines Congress has not directly addressed the precise question at issue, the court does not simply impose its own construction on the statute,[12] as would be necessary in the absence of an administrative interpretation. Rather, if the statute is silent or ambiguous with respect to the specific issue, the question for the court is whether the agency's answer is based on a permissible construction of the statute.[13]
"The power of an administrative agency to administer a congressionally created . . . program necessarily requires the formulation of policy and the making of rules to fill any gap left, implicitly or explicitly, by Congress." Morton v. Ruiz, 415 U. S. 199, 231 (1974). If Congress has explicitly left a gap for the agency to fill, there is an express delegation [844] of authority to the agency to elucidate a specific provision of the statute by regulation. Such legislative regulations are given controlling weight unless they are arbitrary, capricious, or manifestly contrary to the statute.[14] Sometimes the legislative delegation to an agency on a particular question is implicit rather than explicit. In such a case, a court may not substitute its own construction of a statutory provision for a reasonable interpretation made by the administrator of an agency.[15]
We have long recognized that considerable weight should be accorded to an executive department's construction of a statutory scheme it is entrusted to administer,[16] and the principle of deference to administrative interpretations
"has been consistently followed by this Court whenever decision as to the meaning or reach of a statute has involved reconciling conflicting policies, and a full understanding of the force of the statutory policy in the given situation has depended upon more than ordinary knowledge respecting the matters subjected to agency regulations. See, e. g., National Broadcasting Co. v. United States, 319 U. S. 190; Labor Board v. Hearst Publications, Inc., 322 U. S. 111; Republic Aviation Corp. v. [845] Labor Board, 324 U. S. 793; Securities & Exchange Comm'n v. Chenery Corp., 332 U. S. 194; Labor Board v. Seven-Up Bottling Co., 344 U. S. 344.
". . . If this choice represents a reasonable accommodation of conflicting policies that were committed to the agency's care by the statute, we should not disturb it unless it appears from the statute or its legislative history that the accommodation is not one that Congress would have sanctioned." United States v. Shimer, 367 U. S. 374, 382, 383 (1961).
Accord, Capital Cities Cable, Inc. v. Crisp, ante, at 699-700.
In light of these well-settled principles it is clear that the Court of Appeals misconceived the nature of its role in reviewing the regulations at issue. Once it determined, after its own examination of the legislation, that Congress did not actually have an intent regarding the applicability of the bubble concept to the permit program, the question before it was not whether in its view the concept is "inappropriate" in the general context of a program designed to improve air quality, but whether the Administrator's view that it is appropriate in the context of this particular program is a reasonable one. Based on the examination of the legislation and its history which follows, we agree with the Court of Appeals that Congress did not have a specific intention on the applicability of the bubble concept in these cases, and conclude that the EPA's use of that concept here is a reasonable policy choice for the agency to make.
III
In the 1950's and the 1960's Congress enacted a series of statutes designed to encourage and to assist the States in curtailing air pollution. See generally Train v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., 421 U. S. 60, 63-64 (1975). The Clean Air Amendments of 1970, Pub. L. 91-604, 84 Stat. 1976, "sharply increased federal authority and responsibility [846] in the continuing effort to combat air pollution," 421 U. S., at 64, but continued to assign "primary responsibility for assuring air quality" to the several States, 84 Stat. 1678. Section 109 of the 1970 Amendments directed the EPA to promulgate National Ambient Air Quality Standards (NAAQS's)[17] and § 110 directed the States to develop plans (SIP's) to implement the standards within specified deadlines. In addition, § 111 provided that major new sources of pollution would be required to conform to technology-based performance standards; the EPA was directed to publish a list of categories of sources of pollution and to establish new source performance standards (NSPS) for each. Section 111(e) prohibited the operation of any new source in violation of a performance standard.
Section 111(a) defined the terms that are to be used in setting and enforcing standards of performance for new stationary sources. It provided:
"For purposes of this section:
.....
"(3) The term `stationary source' means any building, structure, facility, or installation which emits or may emit any air pollutant." 84 Stat. 1683.
In the 1970 Amendments that definition was not only applicable to the NSPS program required by § 111, but also was made applicable to a requirement of § 110 that each state implementation plan contain a procedure for reviewing the location of any proposed new source and preventing its construction if it would preclude the attainment or maintenance of national air quality standards.[18]
In due course, the EPA promulgated NAAQS's, approved SIP's, and adopted detailed regulations governing NSPS's [847] for various categories of equipment. In one of its programs, the EPA used a plantwide definition of the term "stationary source." In 1974, it issued NSPS's for the nonferrous smelting industry that provided that the standards would not apply to the modification of major smelting units if their increased emissions were offset by reductions in other portions of the same plant.[19]
Nonattainment
The 1970 legislation provided for the attainment of primary NAAQS's by 1975. In many areas of the country, particularly the most industrialized States, the statutory goals were not attained.[20] In 1976, the 94th Congress was confronted with this fundamental problem, as well as many others respecting pollution control. As always in this area, the legislative struggle was basically between interests seeking strict schemes to reduce pollution rapidly to eliminate its social costs and interests advancing the economic concern that strict schemes would retard industrial development with attendant social costs. The 94th Congress, confronting these competing interests, was unable to agree on what response was in the public interest: legislative proposals to deal with nonattainment failed to command the necessary consensus.[21]
In light of this situation, the EPA published an Emissions Offset Interpretive Ruling in December 1976, see 41 Fed. Reg. 55524, to "fill the gap," as respondents put it, until Congress acted. The Ruling stated that it was intended to [848] address "the issue of whether and to what extent national air quality standards established under the Clean Air Act may restrict or prohibit growth of major new or expanded stationary air pollution sources." Id., at 55524-55525. In general, the Ruling provided that "a major new source may locate in an area with air quality worse than a national standard only if stringent conditions can be met." Id., at 55525. The Ruling gave primary emphasis to the rapid attainment of the statute's environmental goals.[22] Consistent with that emphasis, the construction of every new source in nonattainment areas had to meet the "lowest achievable emission rate" under the current state of the art for that type of facility. See Ibid. The 1976 Ruling did not, however, explicitly adopt or reject the "bubble concept."[23]
IV
The Clean Air Act Amendments of 1977 are a lengthy, detailed, technical, complex, and comprehensive response to a major social issue. A small portion of the statute — 91 Stat. [849] 745-751 (Part D of Title I of the amended Act, 42 U. S. C. §§ 7501-7508) — expressly deals with nonattainment areas. The focal point of this controversy is one phrase in that portion of the Amendments.[24]
Basically, the statute required each State in a nonattainment area to prepare and obtain approval of a new SIP by July 1, 1979. In the interim those States were required to comply with the EPA's interpretative Ruling of December 21, 1976. 91 Stat. 745. The deadline for attainment of the primary NAAQS's was extended until December 31, 1982, and in some cases until December 31, 1987, but the SIP's were required to contain a number of provisions designed to achieve the goals as expeditiously as possible.[25]
[850] Most significantly for our purposes, the statute provided that each plan shall
"(6) require permits for the construction and operation of new or modified major stationary sources in accordance with section 173 . . . ." Id., at 747.
Before issuing a permit, § 173 requires (1) the state agency to determine that there will be sufficient emissions reductions in the region to offset the emissions from the new source and also to allow for reasonable further progress toward attainment, or that the increased emissions will not exceed an allowance for growth established pursuant to § 172(b)(5); (2) the applicant to certify that his other sources in the State are in compliance with the SIP, (3) the agency to determine that the applicable SIP is otherwise being implemented, and (4) the proposed source to comply with the lowest achievable emission rate (LAER).[26]
[851] The 1977 Amendments contain no specific reference to the "bubble concept." Nor do they contain a specific definition of the term "stationary source," though they did not disturb the definition of "stationary source" contained in § 111(a)(3), applicable by the terms of the Act to the NSPS program. Section 302(j), however, defines the term "major stationary source" as follows:
"(j) Except as otherwise expressly provided, the terms `major stationary source' and `major emitting facility' mean any stationary facility or source of air pollutants which directly emits, or has the potential to emit, one hundred tons per year or more of any air pollutant (including any major emitting facility or source of fugitive emissions of any such pollutant, as determined by rule by the Administrator)." 91 Stat. 770.
V
The legislative history of the portion of the 1977 Amendments dealing with nonattainment areas does not contain any specific comment on the "bubble concept" or the question whether a plantwide definition of a stationary source is permissible under the permit program. It does, however, plainly disclose that in the permit program Congress sought to accommodate the conflict between the economic interest in permitting capital improvements to continue and the environmental interest in improving air quality. Indeed, the House Committee Report identified the economic interest as one of the "two main purposes" of this section of the bill. It stated:
"Section 117 of the bill, adopted during full committee markup establishes a new section 127 of the Clean Air Act. The section has two main purposes: (1) to allow reasonable economic growth to continue in an area while making reasonable further progress to assure attainment of the standards by a fixed date; and (2) to allow [852] States greater flexibility for the former purpose than EPA's present interpretative regulations afford.
"The new provision allows States with nonattainment areas to pursue one of two options. First, the State may proceed under EPA's present `tradeoff' or `offset' ruling. The Administrator is authorized, moreover, to modify or amend that ruling in accordance with the intent and purposes of this section.
"The State's second option would be to revise its implementation plan in accordance with this new provision." H. R. Rep. No. 95-294, p. 211 (1977).[27]
The portion of the Senate Committee Report dealing with nonattainment areas states generally that it was intended to "supersede the EPA administrative approach," and that expansion should be permitted if a State could "demonstrate that these facilities can be accommodated within its overall plan to provide for attainment of air quality standards." S. Rep. No. 95-127, p. 55 (1977). The Senate Report notes the value of "case-by-case review of each new or modified major source of pollution that seeks to locate in a region exceeding an ambient standard," explaining that such a review "requires matching reductions from existing sources against [853] emissions expected from the new source in order to assure that introduction of the new source will not prevent attainment of the applicable standard by the statutory deadline." Ibid. This description of a case-by-case approach to plant additions, which emphasizes the net consequences of the construction or modification of a new source, as well as its impact on the overall achievement of the national standards, was not, however, addressed to the precise issue raised by these cases.
Senator Muskie made the following remarks:
"I should note that the test for determining whether a new or modified source is subject to the EPA interpretative regulation [the Offset Ruling] — and to the permit requirements of the revised implementation plans under the conference bill — is whether the source will emit a pollutant into an area which is exceeding a national ambient air quality standard for that pollutant — or precursor. Thus, a new source is still subject to such requirements as `lowest achievable emission rate' even if it is constructed as a replacement for an older facility resulting in a net reduction from previous emission levels.
"A source — including an existing facility ordered to convert to coal — is subject to all the nonattainment requirements as a modified source if it makes any physical change which increases the amount of any air pollutant for which the standards in the area are exceeded." 123 Cong. Rec. 26847 (1977).
VI
As previously noted, prior to the 1977 Amendments, the EPA had adhered to a plantwide definition of the term "source" under a NSPS program. After adoption of the 1977 Amendments, proposals for a plantwide definition were considered in at least three formal proceedings.
In January 1979, the EPA considered the question whether the same restriction on new construction in nonattainment areas that had been included in its December 1976 Ruling [854] should be required in the revised SIP's that were scheduled to go into effect in July 1979. After noting that the 1976 Ruling was ambiguous on the question "whether a plant with a number of different processes and emission points would be considered a single source," 44 Fed. Reg. 3276 (1979), the EPA, in effect, provided a bifurcated answer to that question. In those areas that did not have a revised SIP in effect by July 1979, the EPA rejected the plantwide definition; on the other hand, it expressly concluded that the plantwide approach would be permissible in certain circumstances if authorized by an approved SIP. It stated:
"Where a state implementation plan is revised and implemented to satisfy the requirements of Part D, including the reasonable further progress requirement, the plan requirements for major modifications may exempt modifications of existing facilities that are accompanied by intrasource offsets so that there is no net increase in emissions. The agency endorses such exemptions, which would provide greater flexibility to sources to effectively manage their air emissions at least cost." Ibid.[28]
[855] In April, and again in September 1979, the EPA published additional comments in which it indicated that revised SIP's could adopt the plantwide definition of source in nonattainment areas in certain circumstances. See id., at 20372, 20379, 51924, 51951, 51958. On the latter occasion, the EPA made a formal rulemaking proposal that would have permitted the use of the "bubble concept" for new installations within a plant as well as for modifications of existing units. It explained:
" `Bubble' Exemption: The use of offsets inside the same source is called the `bubble.' EPA proposes use of the definition of `source' (see above) to limit the use of the bubble under nonattainment requirements in the following respects:
"i. Part D SIPs that include all requirements needed to assure reasonable further progress and attainment by the deadline under section 172 and that are being carried out need not restrict the use of a plantwide bubble, the same as under the PSD proposal.
"ii. Part D SIPs that do not meet the requirements specified must limit use of the bubble by including a definition of `installation' as an identifiable piece of process equipment."[29]
[856] Significantly, the EPA expressly noted that the word "source" might be given a plantwide definition for some purposes and a narrower definition for other purposes. It wrote:
"Source means any building structure, facility, or installation which emits or may emit any regulated pollutant. `Building, structure, facility or installation' means plant in PSD areas and in nonattainment areas except where the growth prohibitions would apply or where no adequate SIP exists or is being carried out." Id., at 51925.[30]
The EPA's summary of its proposed Ruling discloses a flexible rather than rigid definition of the term "source" to implement various policies and programs:
"In summary, EPA is proposing two different ways to define source for different kinds of NSR programs:
"(1) For PSD and complete Part D SIPs, review would apply only to plants, with an unrestricted plant-wide bubble.
"(2) For the offset ruling, restrictions on construction, and incomplete Part D SIPs, review would apply to both plants and individual pieces of process equipment, causing the plant-wide bubble not to apply for new and modified major pieces of equipment.
"In addition, for the restrictions on construction, EPA is proposing to define `major modification' so as to prohibit the bubble entirely. Finally, an alternative discussed but not favored is to have only pieces of process equipment reviewed, resulting in no plant-wide bubble and allowing minor pieces of equipment to escape NSR [857] regardless of whether they are within a major plant." Id., at 51934.
In August 1980, however, the EPA adopted a regulation that, in essence, applied the basic reasoning of the Court of Appeals in these cases. The EPA took particular note of the two then-recent Court of Appeals decisions, which had created the bright-line rule that the "bubble concept" should be employed in a program designed to maintain air quality but not in one designed to enhance air quality. Relying heavily on those cases,[31] EPA adopted a dual definition of "source" for nonattainment areas that required a permit whenever a change in either the entire plant, or one of its components, would result in a significant increase in emissions even if the increase was completely offset by reductions elsewhere in the plant. The EPA expressed the opinion that this interpretation was "more consistent with congressional intent" than the plantwide definition because it "would bring in more sources or modifications for review," 45 Fed. Reg. 52697 (1980), but its primary legal analysis was predicated on the two Court of Appeals decisions.
In 1981 a new administration took office and initiated a "Government-wide reexamination of regulatory burdens and complexities." 46 Fed. Reg. 16281. In the context of that [858] review, the EPA reevaluated the various arguments that had been advanced in connection with the proper definition of the term "source" and concluded that the term should be given the same definition in both nonattainment areas and PSD areas.
In explaining its conclusion, the EPA first noted that the definitional issue was not squarely addressed in either the statute or its legislative history and therefore that the issue involved an agency "judgment as how to best carry out the Act." Ibid. It then set forth several reasons for concluding that the plantwide definition was more appropriate. It pointed out that the dual definition "can act as a disincentive to new investment and modernization by discouraging modifications to existing facilities" and "can actually retard progress in air pollution control by discouraging replacement of older, dirtier processes or pieces of equipment with new, cleaner ones." Ibid. Moreover, the new definition "would simplify EPA's rules by using the same definition of `source' for PSD, nonattainment new source review and the construction moratorium. This reduces confusion and inconsistency." Ibid. Finally, the agency explained that additional requirements that remained in place would accomplish the fundamental purposes of achieving attainment with NAAQS's as expeditiously as possible.[32] These conclusions were expressed [859] in a proposed rulemaking in August 1981 that was formally promulgated in October. See id., at 50766.
VII
In this Court respondents expressly reject the basic rationable of the Court of Appeals' decision. That court viewed the statutory definition of the term "source" as sufficiently flexible to cover either a plantwide definition, a narrower definition covering each unit within a plant, or a dual definition that could apply to both the entire "bubble" and its components. It interpreted the policies of the statute, however, to mandate the plantwide definition in programs designed to maintain clean air and to forbid it in programs designed to improve air quality. Respondents place a fundamentally different construction on the statute. They contend that the text of the Act requires the EPA to use a dual definition — if either a component of a plant, or the plant as a whole, emits over 100 tons of pollutant, it is a major stationary source. They thus contend that the EPA rules adopted in 1980, insofar as they apply to the maintenance of the quality of clean air, as well as the 1981 rules which apply to nonattainment areas, violate the statute.[33]
Statutory Language
The definition of the term "stationary source" in § 111(a)(3) refers to "any building, structure, facility, or installation" which emits air pollution. See supra, at 846. This definition is applicable only to the NSPS program by the express terms of the statute; the text of the statute does not make this definition [860] applicable to the permit program. Petitioners therefore maintain that there is no statutory language even relevant to ascertaining the meaning of stationary source in the permit program aside from § 302(j), which defines the term "major stationary source." See supra, at 851. We disagree with petitioners on this point.
The definition in § 302(j) tells us what the word "major" means — a source must emit at least 100 tons of pollution to qualify — but it sheds virtually no light on the meaning of the term "stationary source." It does equate a source with a facility — a "major emitting facility" and a "major stationary source" are synonymous under § 302(j). The ordinary meaning of the term "facility" is some collection of integrated elements which has been designed and constructed to achieve some purpose. Moreover, it is certainly no affront to common English usage to take a reference to a major facility or a major source to connote an entire plant as opposed to its constituent parts. Basically, however, the language of § 302(j) simply does not compel any given interpretation of the term "source."
Respondents recognize that, and hence point to § 111(a)(3). Although the definition in that section is not literally applicable to the permit program, it sheds as much light on the meaning of the word "source" as anything in the statute.[34] As respondents point out, use of the words "building, structure, facility, or installation," as the definition of source, could be read to impose the permit conditions on an individual building that is a part of a plant.[35] A "word may have a character of its own not to be submerged by its association." Russell Motor Car Co. v. United States, 261 U. S. 514, 519 [861] (1923). On the other hand, the meaning of a word must be ascertained in the context of achieving particular objectives, and the words associated with it may indicate that the true meaning of the series is to convey a common idea. The language may reasonably be interpreted to impose the requirement on any discrete, but integrated, operation which pollutes. This gives meaning to all of the terms — a single building, not part of a larger operation, would be covered if it emits more than 100 tons of pollution, as would any facility, structure, or installation. Indeed, the language itself implies a "bubble concept" of sorts: each enumerated item would seem to be treated as if it were encased in a bubble. While respondents insist that each of these terms must be given a discrete meaning, they also argue that § 111(a)(3) defines "source" as that term is used in § 302(j). The latter section, however, equates a source with a facility, whereas the former defines "source" as a facility, among other items.
We are not persuaded that parsing of general terms in the text of the statute will reveal an actual intent of Congress.[36] [862] We know full well that this language is not dispositive; the terms are overlapping and the language is not precisely directed to the question of the applicability of a given term in the context of a larger operation. To the extent any congressional "intent" can be discerned from this language, it would appear that the listing of overlapping, illustrative terms was intended to enlarge, rather than to confine, the scope of the agency's power to regulate particular sources in order to effectuate the policies of the Act.
Legislative History
In addition, respondents argue that the legislative history and policies of the Act foreclose the plantwide definition, and that the EPA's interpretation is not entitled to deference because it represents a sharp break with prior interpretations of the Act.
Based on our examination of the legislative history, we agree with the Court of Appeals that it is unilluminating. The general remarks pointed to by respondents "were obviously not made with this narrow issue in mind and they cannot be said to demonstrate a Congressional desire . . . ." Jewell Ridge Coal Corp. v. Mine Workers, 325 U. S. 161, 168-169 (1945). Respondents' argument based on the legislative history relies heavily on Senator Muskie's observation that a new source is subject to the LAER requirement.[37] But the full statement is ambiguous and like the text of § 173 itself, this comment does not tell us what a new source is, much less that it is to have an inflexible definition. We find that the legislative history as a whole is silent on the precise issue before us. It is, however, consistent with the view that the EPA should have broad discretion in implementing the policies of the 1977 Amendments.
[863] More importantly, that history plainly identifies the policy concerns that motivated the enactment; the plantwide definition is fully consistent with one of those concerns — the allowance of reasonable economic growth — and, whether or not we believe it most effectively implements the other, we must recognize that the EPA has advanced a reasonable explanation for its conclusion that the regulations serve the environmental objectives as well. See supra, at 857-859, and n. 29; see also supra, at 855, n. 27. Indeed, its reasoning is supported by the public record developed in the rulemaking process,[38] as well as by certain private studies.[39]
Our review of the EPA's varying interpretations of the word "source" — both before and after the 1977 Amendments — convinces us that the agency primarily responsible for administering this important legislation has consistently interpreted it flexibly — not in a sterile textual vacuum, but in the context of implementing policy decisions in a technical and complex arena. The fact that the agency has from time to time changed its interpretation of the term "source" does not, as respondents argue, lead us to conclude that no deference should be accorded the agency's interpretation of the statute. An initial agency interpretation is not instantly carved in stone. On the contrary, the agency, to engage in informed rulemaking, must consider varying interpretations [864] and the wisdom of its policy on a continuing basis. Moreover, the fact that the agency has adopted different definitions in different contexts adds force to the argument that the definition itself is flexible, particularly since Congress has never indicated any disapproval of a flexible reading of the statute.
Significantly, it was not the agency in 1980, but rather the Court of Appeals that read the statute inflexibly to command a plantwide definition for programs designed to maintain clean air and to forbid such a definition for programs designed to improve air quality. The distinction the court drew may well be a sensible one, but our labored review of the problem has surely disclosed that it is not a distinction that Congress ever articulated itself, or one that the EPA found in the statute before the courts began to review the legislative work product. We conclude that it was the Court of Appeals, rather than Congress or any of the decisionmakers who are authorized by Congress to administer this legislation, that was primarily responsible for the 1980 position taken by the agency.
Policy
The arguments over policy that are advanced in the parties' briefs create the impression that respondents are now waging in a judicial forum a specific policy battle which they ultimately lost in the agency and in the 32 jurisdictions opting for the "bubble concept," but one which was never waged in the Congress. Such policy arguments are more properly addressed to legislators or administrators, not to judges.[40]
[865] In these cases the Administrator's interpretation represents a reasonable accommodation of manifestly competing interests and is entitled to deference: the regulatory scheme is technical and complex,[41] the agency considered the matter in a detailed and reasoned fashion,[42] and the decision involves reconciling conflicting policies.[43] Congress intended to accommodate both interests, but did not do so itself on the level of specificity presented by these cases. Perhaps that body consciously desired the Administrator to strike the balance at this level, thinking that those with great expertise and charged with responsibility for administering the provision would be in a better position to do so; perhaps it simply did not consider the question at this level; and perhaps Congress was unable to forge a coalition on either side of the question, and those on each side decided to take their chances with the scheme devised by the agency. For judicial purposes, it matters not which of these things occurred.
Judges are not experts in the field, and are not part of either political branch of the Government. Courts must, in some cases, reconcile competing political interests, but not on the basis of the judges' personal policy preferences. In contrast, an agency to which Congress has delegated policymaking responsibilities may, within the limits of that delegation, properly rely upon the incumbent administration's views of wise policy to inform its judgments. While agencies are not directly accountable to the people, the Chief Executive is, and it is entirely appropriate for this political branch of the Government to make such policy choices — resolving the competing interests which Congress itself either inadvertently did not resolve, or intentionally left to be resolved by the [866] agency charged with the administration of the statute in light of everyday realities.
When a challenge to an agency construction of a statutory provision, fairly conceptualized, really centers on the wisdom of the agency's policy, rather than whether it is a reasonable choice within a gap left open by Congress, the challenge must fail. In such a case, federal judges — who have no constituency — have a duty to respect legitimate policy choices made by those who do. The responsibilities for assessing the wisdom of such policy choices and resolving the struggle between competing views of the public interest are not judicial ones: "Our Constitution vests such responsibilities in the political branches." TVA v. Hill, 437 U. S. 153, 195 (1978).
We hold that the EPA's definition of the term "source" is a permissible construction of the statute which seeks to accommodate progress in reducing air pollution with economic growth. "The Regulations which the Administrator has adopted provide what the agency could allowably view as . . . [an] effective reconciliation of these twofold ends . . . ." United States v. Shimer, 367 U. S., at 383.
The judgment of the Court of Appeals is reversed.
It is so ordered.
JUSTICE MARSHALL and JUSTICE REHNQUIST took no part in the consideration or decision of these cases.
JUSTICE O'CONNOR took no part in the decision of these cases.
[1] Together with No. 82-1247, American Iron & Steel Institute et al. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., et al.; and No. 82-1591, Ruckelshaus, Administrator, Environmental Protection Agency v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., et al., also on certiorari to the same court.
[2] Briefs of amici curiae urging reversal were filed for the American Gas Association by John A. Myler; for the Mid-America Legal Foundation by John M. Cannon, Susan W. Wanat, and Ann P. Sheldon; and for the Pacific Legal Foundation by Ronald A. Zumbrun and Robin L. Rivett.
[3] Section 172(b)(6), 42 U. S. C. § 7502(b)(6), provides:
"The plan provisions required by subsection (a) shall —
.....
"(6) require permits for the construction and operation of new or modified major stationary sources in accordance with section 173 (relating to permit requirements)." 91 Stat. 747.
[4] "(i) `Stationary source' means any building, structure, facility, or installation which emits or may emit any air pollutant subject to regulation under the Act.
"(ii) `Building, structure, facility, or installation' means all of the pollutant-emitting activities which belong to the same industrial grouping, are located on one or more contiguous or adjacent properties, and are under the control of the same person (or persons under common control) except the activities of any vessel." 40 CFR §§ 51.18(j)(1)(i) and (ii) (1983).
[5] National Resources Defense Council, Inc., Citizens for a Better Environment, Inc., and North Western Ohio Lung Association, Inc.
[6] Petitioners, Chevron U. S. A. Inc., American Iron and Steel Institute, American Petroleum Institute, Chemical Manufacturers Association, Inc., General Motors Corp., and Rubber Manufacturers Association were granted leave to intervene and argue in support of the regulation.
[7] The court remarked in this regard:
"We regret, of course, that Congress did not advert specifically to the bubble concept's application to various Clean Air Act programs, and note that a further clarifying statutory directive would facilitate the work of the agency and of the court in their endeavors to serve the legislators' will." 222 U. S. App. D. C., at 276, n. 39, 685 F. 2d, at 726, n. 39.
[8] Alabama Power Co. v. Costle, 204 U. S. App. D. C. 51, 636 F. 2d 323 (1979); ASARCO Inc. v. EPA, 188 U. S. App. D. C. 77, 578 F. 2d 319 (1978).
[9] Respondents argued below that EPA's plantwide definition of "stationary source" is contrary to the terms, legislative history, and purposes of the amended Clear Air Act. The court below rejected respondents' arguments based on the language and legislative history of the Act. It did agree with respondents contention that the regulations were inconsistent with the purposes of the Act, but did not adopt the construction of the statute advanced by respondents here. Respondents rely on the arguments rejected by the Court of Appeals in support of the judgment, and may rely on any ground that finds support in the record. See Ryerson v. United States, 312 U. S. 405, 408 (1941); LeTulle v. Scofield, 308 U. S. 415, 421 (1940); Langnes v. Green, 282 U. S. 531, 533-539 (1931).
[10] E. g., Black v. Cutter Laboratories, 351 U. S. 292, 297 (1956); J. E. Riley Investment Co. v. Commissioner, 311 U. S. 55, 59 (1940); Williams v. Norris, 12 Wheat. 117, 120 (1827); McClung v. Silliman, 6 Wheat. 598, 603 (1821).
[11] The judiciary is the final authority on issues of statutory construction and must reject administrative constructions which are contrary to clear congressional intent. See, e. g., FEC v. Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, 454 U. S. 27, 32 (1981); SEC v. Sloan, 436 U. S. 103, 117-118 (1978); FMC v. Seatrain Lines, Inc., 411 U. S. 726, 745-746 (1973); Volkswagenwerk v. FMC, 390 U. S. 261, 272 (1968); NLRB v. Brown, 380 U. S. 278, 291 (1965); FTC v. Colgate-Palmolive Co., 380 U. S. 374, 385 (1965); Social Security Board v. Nierotko, 327 U. S. 358, 369 (1946); Burnet v. Chicago Portrait Co., 285 U. S. 1, 16 (1932); Webster v. Luther, 163 U. S. 331, 342 (1896). If a court, employing traditional tools of statutory construction, ascertains that Congress had an intention on the precise question at issue, that intention is the law and must be given effect.
[12] See generally, R. Pound, The Spirit of the Common Law 174-175 (1921).
[13] The court need not conclude that the agency construction was the only one it permissibly could have adopted to uphold the construction, or even the reading the court would have reached if the question initially had arisen in a judicial proceeding. FEC v. Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, 454 U. S., at 39; Zenith Radio Corp. v. United States, 437 U. S. 443, 450 (1978); Train v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., 421 U. S. 60, 75 (1975); Udall v. Tallman, 380 U. S. 1, 16 (1965); Unemployment Compensation Comm'n v. Aragon, 329 U. S. 143, 153 (1946); McLaren v. Fleischer, 256 U. S. 477, 480-481 (1921).
[14] See, e. g., United States v. Morton, ante, at 834; Schweiker v. Gray Panthers, 453 U. S. 34, 44 (1981); Batterton v. Francis, 432 U. S. 416, 424-426 (1977); American Telephone & Telegraph Co. v. United States, 299 U. S. 232, 235-237 (1936).
[15] E. g., INS v. Jong Ha Wang, 450 U. S. 139, 144 (1981); Train v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., 421 U. S., at 87.
[16] Aluminum Co. of America v. Central Lincoln Peoples' Until Dist., ante, at 389; Blum v. Bacon, 457 U. S. 132, 141 (1982); Union Electric Co. v. EPA, 427 U. S. 246, 256 (1976); Investment Company Institute v. Camp, 401 U. S. 617, 626-627 (1971); Unemployment Compensation Comm'n v. Aragon, 329 U. S., at 153-154; NLRB v. Hearst Publications, Inc., 322 U. S. 111, 131 (1944); McLaren v. Fleischer, 256 U. S., at 480-481; Webster v. Luther, 163 U. S., at 342; Brown v. United States, 113 U. S. 568, 570-571 (1885); United States v. Moore, 95 U. S. 760, 763 (1878); Edwards' Lessee v. Darby, 12 Wheat. 206, 210 (1827).
[17] Primary standards were defined as those whose attainment and maintenance were necessary to protect the public health, and secondary standards were intended to specify a level of air quality that would protect the public welfare.
[18] See §§ 110(a)(2)(D) and 110(a)(4).
[19] The Court of Appeals ultimately held that this plantwide approach was prohibited by the 1970 Act, see ASARCO Inc., 188 U. S. App. D. C., at 83-84, 578 F. 2d, at 325-327. This decision was rendered after enactment of the 1977 Amendments, and hence the standard was in effect when Congress enacted the 1977 Amendments.
[20] See Report of the National Commission on Air Quality, To Breathe Clean Air, 3.3-20 through 3.3-33 (1981).
[21] Comprehensive bills did pass both Chambers of Congress; the Conference Report was rejected in the Senate. 122 Cong. Rec. 34375-34403, 34405-34418 (1976).
[22] For example, it stated:
"Particularly with regard to the primary NAAQS's, Congress and the Courts have made clear that economic considerations must be subordinated to NAAQS achievement and maintenance. While the ruling allows for some growth in areas violating a NAAQS if the net effect is to insure further progress toward NAAQS achievement, the Act does not allow economic growth to be accommodated at the expense of the public health." 41 Fed. Reg. 55527 (1976).
[23] In January 1979, the EPA noted that the 1976 Ruling was ambiguous concerning this issue:
"A number of commenters indicated the need for a more explicit definition of `source.' Some readers found that it was unclear under the 1976 Ruling whether a plant with a number of different processes and emission points would be considered a single source. The changes set forth below define a source as `any structure, building, facility, equipment, installation, or operation (or combination thereof) which is located on one or more contiguous or adjacent properties and which is owned or operated by the same person (or by persons under common control).' This definition precludes a large plant from being separated into individual production lines for purposes of determining applicability of the offset requirements." 44 Fed. Reg. 3276.
[24] Specifically, the controversy in these cases involves the meaning of the term "major stationary sources" in § 172(b)(6) of the Act, 42 U. S. C. § 7502(b)(6). The meaning of the term "proposed source" in § 173(2) of the Act, 42 U. S. C. § 7503(2), is not at issue.
[25] Thus, among other requirements, § 172(b) provided that the SIP's shall —
"(3) require, in the interim, reasonable further progress (as defined in section 171(1)) including such reduction in emissions from existing sources in the area as may be obtained through the adoption, at a minimum, of reasonably available control technology;
"(4) include a comprehensive, accurate, current inventory of actual emissions from all sources (as provided by rule of the Administrator) of each such pollutant for each such area which is revised and resubmitted as frequently as may be necessary to assure that the requirements of paragraph (3) are met and to assess the need for additional reductions to assure attainment of each standard by the date required under paragraph (1);
"(5) expressly identify and quantity the emissions, if any, of any such pollutant which will be allowed to result from the construction and operation of major new or modified stationary sources for each such area; . . .
.....
"(8) contain emission limitations, schedules of compliance and such other measures as may be necessary to meet the requirements of this section." 91 Stat. 747.
Section 171(1) provided:
"(1) The term `reasonable further progress' means annual incremental reductions in emissions of the applicable air pollutant (including substantial reductions in the early years following approval or promulgation of plan provisions under this part and section 110(a)(2)(I) and regular reductions thereafter) which are sufficient in the judgment of the Administrator, to provide for attainment of the applicable national ambient air quality standard by the date required in section 172(a)." Id., at 746.
[26] Section 171(3) provides:
"(3) The term `lowest achievable emission rate' means for any source, that rate of emissions which reflects —
"(A) the most stringent emission limitation which is contained in the implementation plan of any State for such class or category of source, unless the owner or operator of the proposed source demonstrates that such limitations are not achievable, or
"(B) the most stringent emission limitation which is achieved in practice by such class or category of source, whichever is more stringent.
"In no event shall the application of this term permit a proposed new or modified source to emit any pollutant in excess of the amount allowable under applicable new source standards of performance."
The LAER requirement is defined in terms that make it even more stringent than the applicable new source performance standard developed under § 111 of the Act, as amended by the 1970 statute.
[27] During the floor debates Congressman Waxman remarked that the legislation struck
"a proper balance between environmental controls and economic growth in the dirty air areas of America. . . . There is no other single issue which more clearly poses the conflict between pollution control and new jobs. We have determined that neither need be compromised. . . .
"This is a fair and balanced approach, which will not undermine our economic vitality, or impede achievement of our ultimate environmental objectives." 123 Cong. Rec. 27076 (1977).
The second "main purpose" of the provision — allowing the States "greater flexibility" than the EPA's interpretative Ruling — as well as the reference to the EPA's authority to amend its Ruling in accordance with the intent of the section, is entirely consistent with the view that Congress did not intend to freeze the definition of "source" contained in the existing regulation into a rigid statutory requirement.
[28] In the same Ruling, the EPA added:
"The above exemption is permitted under the SIP because, to be approved under Part D, plan revisions due by January 1979 must contain adopted measures assuring that reasonable further progress will be made. Furthermore, in most circumstances, the measures adopted by January 1979 must be sufficient to actually provide for attainment of the standards by the dates required under the Act, and in all circumstances measures adopted by 1982 must provide for attainment. See Section 172 of the Act and 43 F R 21673-21677 (May 19, 1978). Also, Congress intended under Section 173 of the Act that States would have some latitude to depart from the strict requirements of this Ruling when the State plan is revised and is being carried out in accordance with Part D. Under a Part D plan, therefore, there is less need to subject a modification of an existing facility to LAER and other stringent requirements if the modification is accompanied by sufficient intrasource offsets so that there is no net increase in emissions." 44 Fed. Reg. 3277 (1979).
[29] Id., at 51926. Later in that Ruling, the EPA added:
"However, EPA believes that complete Part D SIPs, which contain adopted and enforceable requirements sufficient to assure attainment, may apply the approach proposed above for PSD, with plant-wide review but no review of individual pieces of equipment. Use of only a plant-wide definition of source will permit plant-wide offsets for avoiding NSR of new or modified pieces of equipment. However, this is only appropriate once a SIP is adopted that will assure the reductions in existing emissions necessary for attainment. See 44 FR 3276 col. 3 (January 16, 1979). If the level of emissions allowed in the SIP is low enough to assure reasonable further progress and attainment, new construction or modifications with enough offset credit to prevent an emission increase should not jeopardize attainment." Id., at 51933.
[30] In its explanation of why the use of the "bubble concept" was especially appropriate in preventing significant deterioration (PSD) in clean air areas, the EPA stated: "In addition, application of the bubble on a plant-wide basis encourages voluntary upgrading of equipment, and growth in productive capacity." Id., at 51932.
[31] "The dual definition also is consistent with Alabama Power and ASARCO. Alabama Power held that EPA had broad discretion to define the constituent terms of `source' so as best to effectuate the purposes of the statute. Different definitions of `source' can therefore be used for different sections of the statute. . . .
"Moreover, Alabama Power and ASARCO taken together suggest that there is a distinction between Clean Air Act programs designed to enhance air quality and those designed only to maintain air quality. . . .
.....
"Promulgation of the dual definition follows the mandate of Alabama Power, which held that, while EPA could not define `source' as a combination of sources, EPA had broad discretion to define `building,' `structure,' `facility,' and `installation' so as to best accomplish the purposes of the Act." 45 Fed. Reg. 52697 (1980).
[32] It stated:
"5. States will remain subject to the requirement that for all nonattainment areas they demonstrate attainment of NAAQS as expeditiously as practicable and show reasonable further progress toward such attainment. Thus, the proposed change in the mandatory scope of nonattainment new source review should not interfere with the fundamental purpose of Part D of the Act.
"6. New Source Performance Standards (NSPS) will continue to apply to many new or modified facilities and will assure use of the most up-to-date pollution control techniques regardless of the applicability of nonattainment area new source review.
"7. In order to avoid nonattainment area new source review, a major plant undergoing modification must show that it will not experience a significant net increase in emissions. Where overall emissions increase significantly, review will continue to be required." 46 Fed. Reg. 16281 (1981).
[33] "What EPA may not do, however, is define all four terms to mean only plants. In the 1980 PSD rules, EPA did just that. EPA compounded the mistake in the 1981 rules here under review, in which it abandoned the dual definition." Brief for Respondents 29, n. 56.
[34] We note that the EPA in fact adopted the language of that definition in its regulations under the permit program. 40 CFR §§ 51.18(j)(1)(i), (ii) (1983).
[35] Since the regulations give the States the option to define an individual unit as a source, see 40 CFR § 51.18(j)(1) (1983), petitioners do not dispute that the terms can be read as respondents suggest.
[36] The argument based on the text of § 173, which defines the permit requirements for nonattainment areas, is a classic example of circular reasoning. One of the permit requirements is that "the proposed source is required to comply with the lowest achievable emission rate" (LAER). Although a State may submit a revised SIP that provides for the waiver of another requirement — the "offset condition" — the SIP may not provide for a waiver of the LAER condition for any proposed source. Respondents argue that the plantwide definition of the term "source" makes it unnecessary for newly constructed units within the plant to satisfy the LAER requirement if their emissions are offset by the reductions achieved by the retirement of older equipment. Thus, according to respondents, the plantwide definition allows what the statute explicitly prohibits — the waiver of the LAER requirement for the newly constructed units. But this argument proves nothing because the statute does not prohibit the waiver unless the proposed new unit is indeed subject to the permit program. If it is not, the statute does not impose the LAER requirement at all and there is not need to reach any waiver question. In other words, § 173 of the statute merely deals with the consequences of the definition of the term "source" and does not define the term.
[37] See supra, at 853. We note that Senator Muskie was not critical of the EPA's use of the "bubble concept" in one NSPS program prior to the 1977 amendments. See ibid.
[38] See, for example, the statement of the New York State Department of Environmental Conservation, pointing out that denying a source owner flexibility in selecting options made it "simpler and cheaper to operate old, more polluting sources than to trade up. . . ." App. 128-129.
[39] "Economists have proposed that economic incentives be substituted for the cumbersome administrative-legal framework. The objective is to make the profit and cost incentives that work so well in the marketplace work for pollution control. . . . [The `bubble' or `netting' concept] is a first attempt in this direction. By giving a plant manager flexibility to find the places and processes within a plant that control emissions most cheaply, pollution control can be achieved more quickly and cheaply." L. Lave & G. Omenn, Cleaning the Air: Reforming the Clean Air Act 28 (1981) (footnote omitted).
[40] Respondents point out if a brand new factory that will emit over 100 tons of pollutants is constructed in a nonattainment area, that plant must obtain a permit pursuant to § 172(b)(6) and in order to do so, it must satisfy the § 173 conditions, including the LAER requirement. Respondents argue if an old plant containing several large emitting units is to be modernized by the replacement of one or more units emitting over 100 tons of pollutant with a new unit emitting less — but still more than 100 tons — the result should be no different simply because "it happens to be built not at a new site, but within a pre-existing plant." Brief for Respondents 4.
[41] See, e. g., Aluminum Co. of America v. Central Lincoln Peoples' Util. Dist., ante, at 390.
[42] See SEC v. Sloan, 436 U. S., at 117; Adamo Wrecking Co. v. United States, 434 U. S. 275, 287, n. 5 (1978); Skidmore v. Swift & Co., 323 U. S. 134, 140 (1944).
[43] See Capital Cities Cable, Inc. v. Crisp, ante, at 699-700; United States v. Shimer, 367 U. S. 374, 382 (1961).